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Source : © European Union, 2016 - EP

Nagyezsda Szavcsenkot végül kicserélték. 706 nap orosz fogság után. A boriszpoli reptérre leszállt az ukrán elnök különgépe, amely Nágyját hozta haza Rosztov na Donuból.

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OPINION on the proposal for a Regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council amending Regulation No 562/2006 (EC) as regards the reinforcement of checks against relevant databases at external borders
Committee on Foreign Affairs
Marielle de Sarnez

Source : © European Union, 2016 - EP

OPINION on the proposal for a Regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council amending Regulation No 562/2006 (EC) as regards the reinforcement of checks against relevant databases at external borders
Committee on Foreign Affairs
Marielle de Sarnez

Source : © European Union, 2016 - EP

People in Tuzla commemorated the 21st anniversary of a Bosnian Serb attack that killed 71 and injured 120, while the commander convicted of ordering the strike continued to contest the verdict.

Nadia Savchenko (crédit : MFA Ukraine)

(B2) Ce sont les Russes, via Russia Today, qui ont donné les premiers l’information ce matin. La pilote ukrainienne retenue prisonnière en Russie était libérée en échange avec deux Russes détenus en Ukraine qui avaient été rapatriés en Russie par l’avion présidentiel ukrainien.

Un échange de prisonniers accompli par l’avion présidentiel ukrainien

L’information a été confirmée peu après midi par le président Porochenko. « Президентський літак з Героєм України Надією Савченко приземлився! Autrement dit (si j’ai bien compris) : l’avion présidentiel du héros de l’Ukraine Nadia Savchenko a atterri !

Heureux et soulagé

Un résultat dont on se réjouit dans les capitales européennes. A Berlin le ministre allemand des affaires étrangères, Frank-Walter Steinmeier, s’exprimant en tant que Président de l’OSCE s’est dit « heureux et soulagé » que la pilote ukrainienne ait « finalement été libérée et a pu retourner dans sa famille en Ukraine ». « Nous avons travaillé longtemps et dû attendre longtemps » pour avoir une telle « bonne nouvelle » a-t-il ajouté.

Ce deal a pu être atteint notamment lors de la dernière réunion en format Normandie, tenue au niveau des chefs d’Etat et de gouvernement lundi (23 mai). Ce qu’a confirmé l’Elysée dans un communiqué.

Deux prisonniers russes libérés

Les deux Russes libérés sont des officiers du GRU (renseignements russes) le captain Yerofeyev et le sergent Alexander Alexandrov. Ils avaient condamnés en avril dernier à 15 ans de prison par un tribunal de Kiev, après avoir été arrêtés un an plus tôt en mission de reconnaissance dans la province de Louhansk, selon les médias ukrainiens.

(NGV)

La pilote ukrainienne Nadia Savtchenko a été libérée par Moscou en échange de deux militaires russes détenus par Kiev. A peine libérée, Savtchenko s'est dite « prête à se sacrifier de nouveau pour l'Ukraine ». Le président Porochenko est allé lui-même à Rostov-sur-le-Don chercher la jeune femme, considérée comme une héroïne. Nadia Savchenko avait été condamnée en mars 2016 en Russie à 22 ans de réclusion.

Joana Karapataqi, OSCE Presence in Albania

An exhibition of paintings, photographs, installations, poetry and writing by students of the Petro Nini Luarasi High School in Tirana on the theme of domestic violence, was unveiled by the students and the OSCE Presence in Albania on 24 May 2016 in the capital.

The exhibition, held under the slogan #MosHesht (Don’t be silent), builds on a campaign against domestic violence first launched by the OSCE Presence in Tirana four years ago, and extended to other cities such as Korça, Elbasan and Gjirokastra, to bring together the  police, civil society, citizens and youth, to discuss and react to this phenomenon.

A higher number of domestic violence cases has been reported to the police since the start of the campaign, indicating increased public awareness of the problem and trust in the authorities. According to statistics, on average 15 women die every year as a result of domestic violence; domestic violence accounts for about 60% of the reported crimes against persons in Albania.

“Civic engagement is more than just identifying issues of public concern. It is about citizens working to address them in a constructive manner. It is about action,” said Deputy Head of the OSCE Presence Robert Wilton at the launch of the exhibition. “You took on the slogan of the campaign #MosHesht. You reacted through your paintings, pictures and poetry and sent a strong message to your fellow students, to us and to the society. This is a brilliant example of the kind of citizen engagement needed for a democracy to thrive.”

General Director of the Albanian State Police, Haki Çako, commended the students saying that through the exhibition they help raise the awareness of the problems that domestic violence victims face. He said that trust in the police is an important part of the overall solution.

The event is as part of the OSCE Presence in Albania’s ongoing campaign on countering domestic violence. The Presence has also extensively worked in raising the capacities of the Albanian State Police on addressing this problem through various training programmes.

Related Stories

• OSCE field operations in Tajikistan and Albania work together to support women’s participation in political life
• OSCE Presence helps Albanian police better respond to irregular migration
• OSCE Presence launches nationwide ‘Justice without delays’ initiative in Albania

Romania and Bulgaria are among the EU countries criticized by Amnesty International for complicity in Egypt’s crackdown on dissent through arms exports to the country, as is non-EU member Serbia.  

Following months of negotiations, Ukrainian pilot Nadiya Savchenko is on her way back to Ukraine as part of a dramatic prisoner swap, media reported Wednesday.

By Magdi El Gizouli

Death ended Hassan al-Turabi's long political career last March in the most suitable of places. Hassan collapsed in his office in the headquarters of the Popular Congress Party (PCP) in Khartoum's upscale Riyadh neighbourhood as he was going around his daily business as party leader. He passed away in Royal Care Hospital, the top private health care facility in Sudan. The physicians treating him broke their Hippocratic oaths sharing details of his clinical condition on social media in apparent glee. In Hassan al-Turabi's theology, this office death would equate with death on a prayer mat, prostrate in praise of the Lord. It was actually this claim that political action for the good of Islam was a spiritual matter, equal if not superior to actual prayer, that constituted his most significant contribution to the politics of the Muslim Brotherhood. In the mid sixties Hassan al-Turabi led a sectarian split from the Sudanese version of the Muslim Brotherhood, modelled after Egyptian precedent, precisely on these grounds.

The debate at the time was framed as one between the ‘educationalist' and the ‘political' bloc. The first advocated a gradualist transformation of society through the education of individual members to become pious Muslims who could then inspire others. Turabi, on the other hand, was unsatisfied with the inherited notion of piety. A pious Muslim has the duty to face the challenges of the modern world, he argued, and these he located primarily in the nation state and the market. A modern Muslim's engagement in the struggles of power, politics and business, is a form of ibada meaning servitude to Allah, Turabi opined. The position that Turabi advocated would allow a man like Nafie Ali Nafie, Sudan's spy chief during the early 1990s, to torture opponents with impunity as a spiritual duty born out of the obligation to defend an Islamic political order. At the time Turabi made these arguments these events were in the distant future, and his reasoning was not only attractive but of epochal consequences. Young Sudanese Muslim men and women, who passed through school and university education and crossed class and racial barriers as they did so moving up social hierarchies, were in search of a way to live out their faith in Islam as well as their baptism in modernity in political terms. Many found Turabi's reasoning enlightening and empowering. When speaking of this era Turabi fondly recalls that the Islamic Movement of the sixties and seventies was a fraternity of equals with no ‘sheikh' standing above to dictate decisions, and he his partially true. He only ignores that the Islamic Movement's inner democracy was a victim of his eminence. He continued to lead the Islamic Movement since that eventful conference in 1964 until he ordered its dissolution in 1989 with pervasive authority. His critics within the Islamic Movement vanished from the scene one by one in defeat. The Islamic Movement was Turabi's horse as it were. He sacrificed it for the stable of the state.

In this Khalduniyan cycle of growth and decline, the Islamic Movement under Turabi offered its members, largely young men and women from small town backgrounds, a brotherhood and more important probably a sisterhood of equals. Men from affluent Khartoumian backgrounds like Ghazi al-Attabani fraternised with the Zaghawa Khalil Ibrahim and the Shilluk Mango Ajak under the banner of Islam. The assumed organic unity of faith was far from sufficient to address the deep historical divide between the riverine heartland and the peripheries of the country. Rather, the Islamic Movement proved a catalyser of fissions and the version of Islam it employed to win the state divisive and deadly evolving as an ideology of the state into a punishing racist doctrine of exclusivity rather than the universal challenger of zulm (injustice) that Turabi preached.

Whenever he enraged the state, Turabi could count on the shield of kith and kin to spare him the most rabid reactions of the powerful. As the heir of a Sufi hero married to a granddaughter of the Mahdi, Turabi could pursue his dream of power with remarkable bravado. He knew how to navigate and utilise riverine Sudan's system of privileges while he railed against it. Turabi was a frequent inmate under Nimayri and under Bashir but his life was too connected to be cut off. Nimayri killed Abd al-Khalig Mahjoub, the former leader of the Communist Party, on accusation of responsibility for the abortive 1971 coup but spared Turabi after the 1976 raid against Khartoum from Libyan bases in which the Islamic Movement was full blown partner.Turabi, a school friend of Nimayri, reaped the benefits of the bloody operation in the form of a reconciliation with the rayes. Mohamed Nur Saad, the officer who led the campaign, was executed and Turabi became a minister. The alliance with Nimayri was crucial to the Islamic Movement's eventual rise to power in 1989. Bashir incarcerated Turabi several times for alleged ties to the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) but sat at his deathbed in Royal Care hospital. Khalil Ibrahim, the leader of the JEM and a veteran mujahid, gasped his last breath under a tree close to Wad Banda, North Kordofan, in an airstrike targeting his convoy.

Turabi argued his way through the contradictions of his political career by claiming that the Islamic Movement was continuously under threat from its adversaries and behind them Western powers intent on extinguishing the very possibility of an Islamic polity. Hence, he reasoned, it was justified to strike the alliance with Nimayri the dictator and US ally, and to carry out a military coup against a parliamentary system in which the Islamic Movement was kingmaker. Turabi's anti-colonial drive, genuine as it might be, targeted the capture of the state inherited from the colonial order, a mission he did achieve. Beyond that objective, Turabi's reworking of the state accentuated its coercive and extractive character and did little to domesticate it in favour of the peoples it reigned over. The state he was forced to part with in December 1999 when President Bashir declared a state of emergency and dissolved parliament was an angry beast that wages war as a form of governance and still continues to do so today, not unlike its colonial predecessors. Turabi's anti-colonialism is more ambivalent than it seems. You could listen to him dismiss Western education as a tool of cultural hegemony in terms a bit more subtle than Boko Haram and brag about his London Masters and Sorbonne doctorate in the same salvo of rhetoric. The sheikh as he came to be known believed in Western modernity but preferred to phrase his belief in an Islamic idiom.

Abd al-Wahab El-Affendi argued recently that Turabi's true legacy, the embodiment of his intellectual contribution to Islamic reform, is Ennahda Movement in Tunisia given Turabi's influence on its leader Rashid al-Ghannoushi. The admired Turabi here is the pan-Islamic champion of freedoms for women, universal shura, arts, sciences and sports; the mufti of modernity who fuses al-Shatibi and Hegel and is ready to challenge centuries of Islamic reaction. A keen disciple might manage to selectively patch together this image of Turabi from his written and spoken record. He actively nursed this image as an oppositionist during an era when ‘political Islam' was a newly minted brand. Indeed, Turabi enjoyed stellar success with young women from small town Sudan who were seeking to overcome patriarchal barriers to their education and careers without breaking with the social system in which they were embedded. The left's inability to think the Muslim woman limited the attraction of its agenda for emancipation despite a remarkable record in the 1950's and 1960s. Turabi picked up where the left appeared handicapped. For a while, the charismatic Dr. Hassan enjoyed the status of a rockstar among women believers in the cause. The hijab which Turabi promoted to replace the cumbersome tob appeared to the cosmopolitan women of upper and middle class Khartoum a detestable symbol of suppression. The aspiring Muslim woman of small town and rural Sudan though found in the hijab a ticket to the opportunities of the capital city and the wider world and a legitimate licence to flout the gender barriers and roles of her upbringing.

In power, Turabi drew on the human resources that the Islamic Movement provided, the young men and women who looked up to him as a Mahdi of the new age, to cement the power he shared with the military officers of 1989. Rather then reinvent Islam for the lofty emancipatory purposes that El-Affendi claims were inherited by Ennahda, Turabi invested in war as a tool of nation-making. The faithful of the Islamic Movement, the Manshiyya resident cheering behind, flocked to the war fronts in southern Sudan to wage a jihad against their fellow citizens. When his purposes changed Turabi signed a political accord with the Sudan Liberation Army/Movement (SPLA/M) under John Garang, the very enemy he declared a legitimate target of holy war, earning himself several months in prison. Some of the faithful jihad veterans could not stomach the new twist and escaped the harsh realpolitik of the sheikh to the cushion of Sufi spirituality. The core Islamic Movement as such did not recover from the Turabist roller-coaster and is today a hollow structure displaced wholly by the ruling National Congress Party (NCP). Contrary to expectations, the NCP mutated beyond the control of its founder Hassan al-Turabi when his disciples turned against him preferring the shield of power under the command of the military to the trappings of Turabi's transnational ambitions. The sheikh miscalculated and lost. He pursued a politics of anger for a decade before reversing course once again to become Bashir's main partner in ‘national dialogue'. Turabi's PCP rehashed the old argument of imminent threat saying the fate of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt informed the decision. Hassan al-Turabi's legacy, I presume, is not Ennahda whatever his influence was on al-Ghannoushi and his followers but the NCP and the injunction of prayer to the state.

Russia's biggest bank reported a record-breaking profit of 117.7 billion rubles ($1.8 billion) over January-March, nearly four times more than in the same period last year.

Suite à la mort d’un professeur congolais tué à coup de briques et de pierres, le corps diplomatique africain dénonce des attaques racistes.

LGBT en Roumanie : ni PACS ni mariage pour tous à l'horizon
Roumanie : le « mariage pour tous », ce n'est pas pour demain
Droits des homosexuels en Roumanie : des progrès, mais peut mieux faire
Roumanie : la culture gay, une culture de ghetto ?

/ LGBT, Courrier des Balkans, Roumanie, Politique intérieure, Société

Ismét sok migráns várakozik a szerb-magyar határon, és a segélyszervezetek szerint egyre többen lesznek, mert Magyarország naponta csupán 30 embert regisztrál és enged át - írta szerdán a Večernje novosti című belgrádi napilap.

Corpguard, la société fondée par David Hornus et basée à Lyon, vient d'annoncer un partenariat avec TigerSwan, société créée en 2008 par d'anciens de la Force Delta et basée à Apex (près de Raleigh), en Caroline du Nord.

TigerSwan propose une solution de géolocalisation baptisée GuardianAngel.

Cette application limite l’exposition aux risques et permet la géolocalisation mondiale et permanente des utilisateurs.

En cas de force majeure, GuardianAngel permet aussi une mise en relation directe H24/7 avec des interlocuteurs dans plus de 46 pays. TigerSwan dispose dans ces zones de capacités opérationnelles (base vie, safe house, moyens d’escorte et de transfert…) permettant de sécuriser les entreprises et leurs collaborateurs intervenant dans ces environnements complexes.

Le suivi de ces opérations de géolocalisation et de sécurisation est supervisé depuis des centres opérationnels basés aux Etats-Unis, en Irak (Bagdad) et désormais en France (Lyon).

"La mutualisation des capacités opérationnelles, des compétences et des infrastructures permet désormais à Corpguard d’offrir à ses clients français des solutions compétitives en Irak, Afghanistan, Asie et Amérique du Sud", explique David Hornus.

Estimé à un million de dollars, le bijou qui a appartenu au monarque éthiopien est susceptible d’être mise aux enchères. Sa descendance tente de s’y opposer.

A gyerekek és pedagógusok kivonultak az iskolák udvarára folyamatos csengőhang közepette. A Spiru Haret szakszervezet egyik marosvásárhelyi képviselője a Marosvásárhelyi Rádiónak elmondta, azt követelik, hogy a tanügyre fordított költségvetés elérje a GDP 6 százalékát, ugyanis ennek révén nőhetne a tanárok fizetése, a diákok ösztöndíjai. A tanügyisek azt is kifogásolják, hogy nem térítik meg az oktatók szállítási költségeit, és az ingázó diákokét sem, csak részben. A mai tiltakozó akciót pénteken megismétlik az ország összes iskolájában. Jövő héten Maros megyéből 50 tanár csatlakozik azokhoz a pedagógusokhoz, akik június elsején részt vesznek a fővárosi tüntetésen. Azt követően az oktatási szakszervezetek június 2-án, 3-án és 4-én Herkulesfürdőn tanácskoznak arról, hogy milyen lépéseket tesznek, ha a kormány nem veszi figyelembe javaslataikat.