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Credit: Coalition of Governments on Global Public Investment

By Ben Phillips
BANGKOK, Thailand, Jun 22 2026 (IPS)

The fallout from the sudden collapse of the old system of financing international cooperation has been disastrous, unleashing a wave of harm and leaving the world more vulnerable to shocks and less able to respond to them. The wreckage is plain to see. The issue is what to do next.

Calling attention to the damage done, several commentators in the Global North have made the case for putting back up what had been pulled down. That will not happen, however. The crisis of financing for international cooperation was a reflection of a crisis of support for the model, and for the narrative of paternalism it embodied. The structure collapsed so fast because it was unsound.

Another set of commentators in the Global North, calling themselves “realists”, have advanced two low-hope ideas for the future international cooperation.

One idea put forward is to accept and find ways to cope with ever shrinking resources for shared global challenges, trying to “do more with less”. This approach would fail. The real-world consequence of attempting it would be failing to adequately resource collective responses to global threats – including pandemics, energy insecurity, natural disasters, and more. This would be existentially dangerous, and orders-of-magnitude more costly for every country than tackling shared threats upstream.

Another idea put forward is to ask the private sector to take over responsibilities which have previously been intergovernmental. This approach would fail too. The real-world consequence of pursuing it would not only be desperately inadequate resourcing of shared threats, and the supercharging of extreme inequality, but also the surrender of accountability and power to oligarchy.

This triptych of unworkable ideas – keep trying to restore the old order, accept managed decline or hand over to the private sector – dominates much of the attention in the Global North.

Thankfully, however, a growing group of Global South governments have been hard at work shaping a solution for the financing of shared global challenges.

Co-convened by the Foreign Ministers of Senegal and Colombia, more than 30 countries have come together in the Coalition of Governments on Global Public Investment, to transform the current global inflection point into a moment of renewal.

“Our challenges are shared; our risks are shared; and increasingly, our solutions must also be shared,” observes Martín Clavijo, Director of Uruguay’s Agency for International Cooperation. “We need an evolution in how we understand cooperation towards a framework in which all countries contribute according to their capacities, all benefit according to their needs, and all participate as equals in decisions about the use of resources.”

“Global public investment is the smart, 21st-century answer to how governments can work together to overcome the challenges and crises that affect us all,” remarks Rosa Yolanda Villavicencio Mapy, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Colombia and co-chair of the coalition. “A significant increase in public financing is essential — and crucially, these resources must be governed under more representative and effective frameworks.”

“We are moving beyond traditional donor-recipient paradigms, towards a more horizontal, inclusive, and partnership-based approach,” shares Cheikh Niang, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Senegal and co-chair of the coalition. “All countries, regardless of their level of development, have both contributions to make and legitimate expectations to express. To solve our national, regional, and global problems, we can’t rely on philanthropy alone, and we can’t just look to the private sector to save us. We need more and better public money to solve our collective challenges.”

Launched in July 2025 at the Fourth International Conference on Financing for Development, the coalition held its inaugural planning meeting in September 2025 on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly. This year the governments have gathered in Bogota in March, and in Nairobi in May, and will gather again in New York in September.

Anchored in the Global South, the coalition is also reaching out to countries in the Global North. “We are not looking for sympathy. What we want is an equal partnership,” emphasises Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Ghana.

“The future of international cooperation must evolve toward approaches that better reflect shared responsibility and collective interest,” points out Limpho Tau, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Lesotho.

The governments are working closely with civil society. “The leaders coming together are pioneers renewing and remaking multilateralism,” says María Elena Agüero, Secretary General of Club de Madrid. “The approach they’re developing together will be fairer than approaches inherited from the last century, by ensuring all countries have a voice and a stake. It will also be much more effective, helping to improve lives across the world.”

The leaders insist on the need to go beyond simply cushioning the present disruption. They are clear that past approaches will not and should not return. Instead, they are working to turn breakdown into breakthrough by bringing countries together as equals to redesign international finance for an interdependent world.

“There is an urgent need for a renewed international financial architecture that is more inclusive, more representative and better aligned with contemporary global realities,” observes Korir Singoei, Principal Secretary, Department for Foreign Affairs of Kenya.

“Do we want to be the generation that managed a crisis — or the generation that transformed the course of global cooperation?” asks Javier Eduardo Martínez-Acha Vásquez, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Panama. “Global public investment can enable us not only to transform international cooperation but to transform the future of humanity.”

The leaders have put together a roadmap for transforming international cooperation by 2030: “A great deal of intellectual effort has been made over years to ensure that an appropriate model was brought forward,” remarks Alva Baptiste, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Saint Lucia. “Now”, he concludes, “we are mandated to get airborne.”

Ben Phillips is the author of How to Fight Inequality, and Public Good: Building a Winning Narrative to Bring the World Together.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Dans une déclaration faite devant le 10 Downing Street, le Premier ministre a déclaré que chacune des décisions qu'il avait prises depuis son entrée en fonction visait à « donner la priorité au pays que j'aime ».

Sephora*, an 18-year-old mother of two, holds her baby girl at the Karibuni wa Mama Clinic supported by SOFEPADI in Bunia, Ituri province, DR Congo, on 25 November 2025. Originally from a remote village, she fled when armed clashes erupted in 2023. Credit: UNICEF / Mirindi Johnson

By Naureen Hossain
UNITED NATIONS, Jun 22 2026 (IPS)

A record number of children were subject to grave violations by parties to armed conflicts, the highest since the UN mandate for children and armed conflict (CAAC) was established in 1996.

In the Secretary-General’s annual report, UN-verified sources confirmed 35,558 violations committed against children during armed conflicts. This is the fourth year in a row that incidents have increased from years.

The data in the report is based on instances occurring in and verified in 2025. At least 24,174 children were directly affected or had their rights violated, through killing and maiming, forced recruitment, abduction, sexual violence, and denial of humanitarian assistance. At least 1 in 3 victims were girls. The killing of children increased by 34 percent compared to incidents from 2024, totaling to 14,224 children killed or maimed. 5129 children were abducted, and there were at least 8322 instances of denial of humanitarian assistance. 6607 children were recruited or used by armed groups, and a total of 1667 children were detained for their actual or alleged connection to armed groups.

For the first time since the CAAC mandate was created, government forces were responsible for the highest number of grave violations. In addition to the killing and maiming of children, government forces were largely responsible for the destruction or military use of schools and hospitals, and the denial of humanitarian access. This sense of impunity is further amplified by hostilities, and in the increasing use of wide-area explosive weapons and in densely populated areas, resulting in more civilian casualties. The use of artificial intelligence and autonomous weapons systems has also transformed.

The states responsible for the highest number of violations included Israel, the occupied Palestinian territories, Myanmar, Somalia, Nigeria and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Israeli forces were responsible for nearly one-third of the grave violations in the report — 12,455. In the DRC, 4,114 grave violations against children were committed, including 519 deaths and 1067 abductions.

Vanessa Frazier, the UN Secretary-General’s Special Representative for Children and Armed Conflict, at the release of the Secretary-General’s annual report on children and armed conflict in 2025. Credit: IPS / Naureen Hossain

Under-Secretary-General Vanessa Frazier, the Special Representative for Children and Armed Conflict, warned that the frequency — and intensity — of violations against children reflect a growing disdain for international law and the protected rights of children.

“2025 was without a doubt one of the darkest chapters for child protection since monitoring began,” said Frazier. “When States, on whom the obligation to protect children falls, instead contribute to their suffering, it signals the deeper erosion of respect for international law. The principles of humanity, distinction, proportionality, and necessity must be restored — without exception.”

Frazier told reporters on June 18 that the report is meant to be a “tool of accountability”. It should be used by member states to inform their own actions to take the appropriate steps needed to protect children in armed conflict. In the case of countries named in the report with ongoing situations, this is also an opportunity for them to enter into agreements to reduce and prevent further violations during conflict between now and the following year.

Frazier confirmed that early drafts of the report were shared with these countries back in March, and the countries had at least one month to present their own evidence to be corroborated with the UN-verified data. She added that open dialogue between her office and the countries is encouraged, if those countries choose to engage in the first place.

The report calls on member states to uphold international law to protect civilians, especially children, during times of conflict, through upholding their commitments to existing peace and security agreements. Parties to conflicts are also called on to develop and implement action plans with the UN, and to grant the UN access to conduct thorough monitoring and reporting of grave violations against children.

The report also calls on technology and social media companies to take concrete measures to prevent their platforms from being used by armed groups to recruit and exploit children, and to cooperate with accountability and child protection mechanisms. The misuse of digital technology can have adverse effects on children’s wellbeing even in peaceful contexts. Without sufficient legal guardrails and proper monitoring, children are more likely to be exposed to misinformation and recruitment content.

A senior UN official told Inter Press Service that online recruitment is a pervasive issue across multiple conflict areas, and that more resources need to be mobilized to create responsibility. The official confirmed that Frazier and her office were in contact with lawmakers from the European Union to determine how existing frameworks like the Digital Services Act could protect children. The office is also working with TikTok in Colombia to implement strategies to prevent the recruitment and use of children during conflict.

Frazier called on the state actors to adopt action plans to protect and reintegrate children formerly associated with armed groups. In 2025, 13,112 children received protection and reintegration support with the help of other UN agencies like UNICEF and its partners. This requires funding support from donors and state parties as much as it requires political will. Further investments into accountability and prevention measures among parties in conflicts are also needed, through partnerships with the UN, governments and parties to conflicts.

Before she was the Secretary-General’s Special Representative (SRSG) for Children and Armed Conflict, Frazier was the Permanent Representative of Malta to the UN during its term in the Security Council from 2023-2024. Both in her capacity as SRSG and as a member of the Security Council, Frazier has visited conflict sites and spoken with children directly impacted. She reflected that it was particularly aggravating to see state actors in the list of perpetrators in the report, given that state actors, who are also UN member states, are supposed to be the ones abiding by the rule of law and protecting children. “It’s not acceptable that there are nine state actors listed, irrespective of who they are and how bad they are,” said Frazier.

What was most striking to her is that many of these incidents that resulted in so many child casualties could have been avoided. State actors seem to make the conscious, operational decision to target factories manufacturing weapons or enemy strongholds, regardless of whether civilian infrastructures like schools are nearby and would get caught in the radius. Even if those infrastructures are not the intended target, state actors will follow through with the attacks, which show a disregard for international humanitarian law and a lack of concern for the consequences of civilian casualties. It is children who are suffering the consequences of state actors’ decisions, Frazier said.

“I think for state actors it is worse than non-state actors, because this mandate was originally created to target armed groups and non-state actors; ones who work outside of the law. We cannot have state actors who are supposed to work within the reams of the law, now working outside the reams of the law. That should not be something that is acceptable.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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Die Umsetzung der kommunalen Wärmeplanung stand am 5. Juni 2026 im Mittelpunkt des halbjährlichen Treffens des Forschungsprojekts „Wärme-ZIEL“ in Reppenstedt bei Lüneburg. Vertreterinnen und Vertreter aus Wissenschaft, Kommunen und Energiewirtschaft diskutierten aktuelle Herausforderungen der ...

Quelle : © Europäische Union, 2026 - EP

I am very pleased to acknowledge the generous support provided by the University Association for Contemporary European Studies (UACES) through its “Microgrant Scheme”, which enabled me to undertake a research visit to Brussels in June 2026 in support of my forthcoming book, “The Making of a Strategy: The European Union and Maritime Security, 2000-2025”. The award funded an intensive two-day fieldwork visit to Brussels, allowing me to collect primary research material for two key chapters of the manuscript. As the main centre of European policymaking, Brussels offers unparalleled opportunities to engage directly with officials involved in the formulation and implementation of the European Union’s security and defence policies. Therefore, the opportunity to conduct on-site research represented a significant contribution to the development of the project.

 

My book examines the transformation of the European Union into an increasingly prominent maritime security actor between 2000 and 2025. It seeks to explain how maritime security has emerged as a strategic priority within the Union’s external action and to explore the political, institutional, and geopolitical factors that have shaped this evolution. Spanning a period that includes the launch of Operation Atalanta, the adoption of the first European Union Maritime Security Strategy in 2014, the revision of that strategy in 2023, and the deployment of Operation Aspides in the Red Sea until the latest development in the Strait of Hormuz, the project provides the first comprehensive account of the development of the EU’s maritime strategic thinking. By combining documentary analysis, elite interviews, and original empirical research, the study seeks to advance our understanding of how European maritime strategy is formulated and implemented.

 

The research visit took place over two days in early June 2026 and centred on a series of interviews with officials working within European Union institutions. During the visit, I conducted four anonymous elite interviews with policymakers possessing direct knowledge of the development of the EU’s maritime security agenda. These interviews generated valuable insights into the internal dynamics of policy formulation, the interaction between EU institutions and member states, and the strategic considerations underpinning the Union’s evolving maritime posture. The discussions also shed light on the processes through which consensus is built among diverse actors operating within the EU’s complex institutional environment. At the thematic level, the interviews focused on the formulation and evolution of the European Union’s maritime security strategies, the role of key institutional actors, and the influence of changing geopolitical conditions on strategic decision-making. Particular attention was devoted to understanding how policymakers have responded to emerging challenges, including instability in the Union’s southern neighbourhood, increased geopolitical competition in maritime domains, and growing concerns regarding the security of global sea lines of communication. As with many studies of European policymaking, official documents reveal only part of the story. For this reason, elite interviews provide a unique opportunity to explore the motivations, preferences, and negotiations that often remain hidden from the public record. Consequently, the evidence gathered in Brussels constitutes a particularly important component of the project’s broader methodological framework.

 

The material collected during the visit will contribute directly to the chapters examining the development of the European Union’s Maritime Security Strategies and the institutional processes through which maritime security became embedded within the Union’s strategic thinking. The interviews have already provided important empirical evidence and helped identify new avenues for analysis that will strengthen the manuscript’s overall argument. Beyond the immediate research outputs, the visit also reinforced the value of conducting fieldwork within the institutional environment under examination. Direct engagement with policymakers and practitioners offers insights that cannot be fully replicated through remote research methods and contributes significantly to the depth and quality of academic scholarship.

 

This research visit illustrates the important role that targeted funding schemes play in supporting high-quality research in European Studies. In this regard, microgrants possess the potential to generate substantial scholarly benefits by facilitating access to primary sources, enabling engagement with policymakers, and supporting the collection of original empirical evidence. The UACES Microgrant Scheme performs a particularly valuable function in this regard by helping researchers undertake activities that directly enhance the quality, originality, and impact of their work.

 

I am extremely grateful to UACES for its support of this project. Such funding has made a meaningful contribution to the development of the manuscript and has enabled the collection of evidence that will strengthen its empirical and analytical foundations. As the project progresses towards completion, the findings generated through this fieldwork will be incorporated into the manuscript and disseminated through future academic publications, conference presentations, and engagement with the wider community in this scholarly field. I look forward to sharing the outcomes of this research and to contributing further to scholarly debates on the European Union’s role as a maritime security actor, and I encourage all researchers to apply for the upcoming rounds of the UACES’ “Microgrant” applications.

The post Advancing research on the European Union’s maritime security: Reflections on a UACES-funded field trip to Brussels. appeared first on Ideas on Europe.

Le Premier ​ministre britannique travailliste Keir ​Starmer, notamment tenu responsable de la déroute historique du parti travailliste ⁠aux élections locales du 7 ⁠mai, a annoncé sa démission ce lundi. Il accède ainsi à la demande d'un grand nombre de ‌voix au sein de ⁠son parti pour qu'il cède la place ​à Andy Burnham, ‌le populaire maire du Grand Manchester, qui a ‌facilement remporté ​vendredi une élection législative partielle dans le nord-ouest de l'Angleterre.

Zu den Empfehlungen der von der Bundesregierung eingesetzten Rentenkommission, die am Wochenende bereits publik wurden, äußert sich Peter Haan, Rentenexperte und Leiter der Abteilung Staat im Deutschen Institut für Wirtschaftsforschung (DIW Berlin), wie folgt:

Die Vorschläge der Rentenkommission sind ein guter Aufschlag und gehen auf jeden Fall in die richtige Richtung. Jetzt kommt es darauf an, dass sie auch umgesetzt und nicht verwässert werden. Grundsätzlich steht das Rentensystem wegen der Alterung der Gesellschaft vor großen Herausforderungen: Zum einem muss die Finanzierung und die Stabilität der gesetzlichen Rentenversicherung gewährleistet werden, zum anderen muss das Rentensystem eine Absicherung des Lebensstandards der Rentner*innen garantieren.

Die nun bekannt gewordenen Vorschläge der Rentenkommission enthalten wichtige Elemente, um diesen Herausforderungen zu begegnen: Die Abschaffung der Rente für besonders langjährige Versicherte („Rente mit 63“) sorgt für finanzielle Entlastung – laut Schätzungen des DIW Berlin um voraussichtlich rund zehn Milliarden Euro pro Jahr. Auch eine moderate Erhöhung des Renteneintrittsalters über das Alter von 67 Jahren hinaus geht in diese Richtung. Wichtig ist zu betonen, dass eine Erhöhung des Renteneintrittsalters nicht über Nacht, sondern mit viel Vorlauf und gekoppelt an die Entwicklung der Lebenserwartung kommen soll. Zudem soll es über individuelle Gesundheitsprüfungen weiterhin möglich sein, früher in Rente zu gehen. Zentral ist, dass auch schon im Erwerbsleben in Gesundheit und Weiterbildung investiert wird, damit möglichst viele Menschen das reguläre Renteneintrittsalter überhaupt erreichen können. Das gleiche gilt für die Einbeziehung von Selbstständigen, Vorständ*innen, Bundestagsabgeordneten und Beamt*innen in die Rentenversicherung, auch hier sind die Details zentral. Eine kapitalgedeckte Zusatzrente nach schwedischem Modell kann ebenfalls einen wichtigen Beitrag leisten – zumindest langfristig. Das bedeutet aber auch höhere Beiträge von Beschäftigten und Arbeitgebern. Wenn diese moderat ausfallen, sollten sich die höheren Rentenbeiträge nicht nennenswert negativ auf die Beschäftigung auswirken. 

Zentral ist nun, wie die Bundesregierung diese Vorschläge umsetzt und wie sie die Interessenverbände und die Bevölkerung überzeugen kann. Es ist unvermeidlich, dass einzelne Gruppen durch die Reformen belastet werden. Daher ist es wichtig, dass unter anderem über individuelle Gesundheitsprüfungen sichergestellt wird, dass Menschen mit geringen Einkommen und körperlich belastenden Jobs frühzeitig und ohne größere Abschläge in Rente gehen können und nicht noch stärker Armutsrisiken im Alter ausgesetzt sind. Wenn das gelingt, sollte ein politischer und gesellschaftlicher Konsens möglich sein.

Besides “restoration of various Russian-made military equipment,” the Taliban regime may be keen on “Russian air defense systems” and “attack and surveillance drones” for use in conflicts with Pakistan.

DÉCRYPTAGE - Ce lundi, la proposition de loi légalisant le suicide assisté et l’euthanasie sera débattue une nouvelle fois à l’Assemblée nationale. Dernière étape avant la lecture finale, qui devrait avoir lieu en juillet, après le passage au Sénat.

Chinese analysts say that while the core concerns of a "close neighbor," i.e., China, are sidelined, Kathmandu is making every effort to accommodate the ‘"distant relative," i.e., the U.S.

A partir de ce lundi 22 juin 2026, 49 départements français sont placés « en vigilance rouge canicule ». C'est un record qui représente près de 35 millions de personnes et plus de 90% de la population française. Cette vague de chaleur exceptionnelle touche l'ensemble de l'Europe de l'Ouest avec des température extrêmes qui s'installent dans la durée.

Les chaleurs étouffantes qui frappent le pays depuis près d'une semaine "montent d'un cran" lundi, avec 49 départements et 35 millions de Français placés en vigilance rouge canicule par Météo France. Cette situation pousse notamment les autorités à fermer ou à réorganiser plusieurs milliers d'établissements scolaires.

Alors que les Lions sénégalais s’apprêtent à affronter la Norvège, direction Little Sénégal à Harlem avec l'influenceur Barros. Dans ce quartier emblématique de New York, la diaspora sénégalaise fait vivre la Teranga à des milliers de kilomètres de Dakar. Dans les rues animées, les associations et les commerces communautaires, immersion dans ce petit coin de Sénégal qui rêve d'une victoire. 

Deux voitures brûlent et l'intégration européenne de la Macédoine du Nord est remise en question. C'est dire à quel point les relations avec la Bugarie demeurent tendues, après plusieurs incidents perçus comme « anti-bulgares » par les autorités de Sofia.

- Le fil de l'Info / Courrier des Balkans, Bulgarie, Macédoine du Nord, Relations régionales, Questions européennes, Bulgarie-Macédoine du Nord

Zum amerikanisch-iranischen Rahmenabkommen, zum europäischen Engagement vor Ort bezüglich der Straße von Hormus, zur deutschen Rolle bei den G7 sowie über die Krise in der Automobilbranche

Secretary-General Kofi Annan speaks at a ceremony to unveil the official portrait of his predecessor, Boutros Boutros-Ghali. Credit: UN Photo/Eskinder Debebe

By Thalif Deen
UNITED NATIONS, Jun 22 2026 (IPS)

When Egypt’s onetime Foreign Minister Boutros Boutros-Ghali was running for the post of U.N. Secretary-General in late 1991, he had to contend with the rival candidacy of Bernard Chidzero, then foreign minister of Zimbabwe.

As the campaign began to intensify, Boutros-Ghali recounted a brief encounter with Chidzero, a longstanding friend, at a conference in Africa, a continent that at that time claimed the job of U.N. chief on the basis of geographical rotation.

Chidzero, who hailed from an English-speaking country and was backed by the UK and the 54-member Commonwealth of mostly ex-British colonies, was in conversation with Boutros-Ghali when he suddenly switched from English to French.

Having picked up the subtle message, Boutros-Ghali said he put his arms around Chidzero and jokingly remarked, “Bernard, if you want the approval of France, you must not only speak French, but also speak English with a French accent.”

France, a veto-wielding permanent member of the Security Council, has been so passionately protective of its language that it may well have exercised its veto on any candidate who did not speak French.

And no one who aspires to be the Secretary-General of the United Nations can expect to be elected to office if he or she does not have a working knowledge of French—or at least promise to eventually master the language—because France considers it the “language of international diplomacy.”

Which triggers the question: How many of the candidates, both male and female, now running for the next UN Secretary-General are fluent in both English and French?

Over the last 81 years, the two working languages of the United Nations have been primarily English and French, although there are four other official languages recognized by the world body: Chinese, Arabic, Spanish and Russian.

Boutros-Ghali, who was fluent in English, Arabic and French, held “the world’s most impossible job” from January 1992 through December 1996. Asked at a briefing with reporters about his fluency in three languages, Boutros-Ghali jokingly said his primary language was Arabic “because when I fight with my wife, I fight in Arabic.”

The independence of the Secretary-General, he pointed out, is a longstanding myth perpetuated mostly outside the United Nations. As an international civil servant, he is expected to shed his political loyalties when he takes office, and more importantly, never seek or receive instructions from any governments.

But virtually every single Secretary-General—nine at last count—has played ball with the world’s major powers in violation of Article 100 of the UN Charter. Boutros-Ghali, the only Secretary-General to be denied a second term because of a negative US veto, unveiled the insidious political maneuvering that goes inside the glass house.

The US, which preaches the concept of majority rule to the outside world, exercised its veto even though Boutros-Ghali had 14 of the 15 votes in the Security Council, including the votes of the other four permanent members of the Council, namely the UK, France, Russia and China.

In such circumstances, tradition would demand the dissenting US abstain on the vote and respect the wishes of the overwhelming majority in the Security Council. But the US refused to acknowledge the vibrant political support that Boutros-Ghali had garnered in the world body.

Unlike most of his predecessors and successors, Boutros-Ghali refused to blindly play ball with the US despite the fact that he occasionally caved into US pressure at a time when Washington had gained notoriety for trying to manipulate the world body to protect its own national interests.

Going down memory lane, Samir Sanbar, a former UN Assistant Secretary-General, told Inter Press Service last week when Boutros-Ghali met Bernard Chidzero after leaving his post, his former competitor for the SG office asked how come the U.S. insisted on blocking his re-election although he was perceived to be “America’s Yes Man”. With his sense of humor intact, Boutros-Ghali responded that the U.S. Administration did not want just a “Yes, Man but a “Yes Sir, Man”

In his 368-page book titled “Unvanquished: A US-UN Saga” (Random House, 1999), he provided an insider’s view of how the United Nations and its chief administrative officer (CAO) were manipulated by the Organization’s most powerful member: the United States.

Although he was accused by Washington of being “too independent” of the US, he eventually did everything in his power to please the Americans. But still the US was the only country to say “no” to a second five-year term for Boutros-Ghali.

In his book, Boutros-Ghali recalls a meeting in which he tells the then Secretary of State Warren Christopher that many Americans had been appointed to UN jobs “at Washington’s request over the objections of other UN member states.”

“I had done so, I said, because I wanted American support to succeed in my job (as Secretary-General),” Boutros-Ghali says. But Christopher refused to respond.

When he was elected Secretary-General in January 1992, Boutros-Ghali noted that 50 percent of the staff assigned to the UN’s administration and management were Americans, although Washington paid only 25 percent of the UN’s regular budget.

When the Clinton administration took office in Washington in January 1993, Boutros-Ghali was signaled that two of the highest-ranking UN staffers appointed on the recommendation of the outgoing Bush administration– Under-Secretary-General Richard Thornburgh and Under-Secretary-General Joseph Verner Reed — were to be dismissed despite the fact that they were theoretically “international civil servants” answerable only to the world body.

They were both replaced by two other Americans who had the blessings of the Clinton Administration. Just before his election in November 1991, Boutros-Ghali remembers someone telling him that John Bolton, the US Assistant Secretary of State for International Organizations, was “at odds” with the earlier Secretary-General Javier Perez de Cuellar because he had “been insufficiently attentive to American interests.”

“I assured Bolton of my own serious regard for US policy.” “Without American support” Boutros-Ghali told Bolton, “the United Nations would be paralyzed.”

The former UN chief recalls a meeting in which he tells the then Secretary of State Warren Christopher that many Americans had been appointed to UN jobs “at Washington’s request over the objections of other UN member states.” “I had done so, I said, because I wanted American support to succeed in my job (as Secretary-General),” Boutros-Ghali says. But Christopher refused to respond.

Boutros-Ghali also recounted how Secretary of State Warren Christopher had tried to convince him to publicly declare that he would not run for a second term as Secretary-General. But he refused. “Surely, you cannot dismiss the Secretary-General of the United Nations by a unilateral diktat of the United States. What about the rights of the other (14) Security Council members”?, he asked Christopher. But Christopher “mumbled something inaudible and hung up, deeply displeased.”

Boutros-Ghali also said that in late 1996, US Ambassador to the UN Madeleine Albright, on instructions from the US State Department, was fixated on a single issue that had dominated her life for months: the “elimination” of Boutros-Ghali.

Under-Secretary-General Joseph Verner Reed, an American, is quoted as saying that he had heard Albright say: “I will make Boutros think I am his friend; then I will break his legs.” After meticulously observing her, Boutros-Ghali concludes that Albright had accomplished her diplomatic mission with skill.

“She had carried out her campaign with determination, letting pass no opportunity to demolish my authority and tarnish my image, all the while showing a serene face, wearing a friendly smile, and repeating expressions of friendship and admiration,” he writes. “I recalled what a Hindu scholar once said to me: there is no difference between diplomacy and deception.”

In his book, Boutros-Ghali says he was also urged by then-US President Bill Clinton to appoint William Foege, a former head of the US Centres for Disease Control, as UNICEF chief to succeed James Grant, also an American.

Since Belgium and Finland had already put forward “outstanding” women candidates — and since the US had refused to pay its UN dues and was also making “disparaging” remarks about the world body — “there was no longer automatic acceptance by other nations that the director of UNICEF must inevitably be an American man or woman,” said Boutros-Ghali.

“The US should select a woman candidate,” Boutros-Ghali told Albright, “and then I will see what I can do,” since the appointment involved consultation with the then 36-member UNICEF Executive Board.

Albright rolled her eyes and made a face, repeating what had become her standard expression of frustration with me,” he writes.

When the US kept pressing Foege’s candidacy, Boutros-Ghali says that “many countries on the UNICEF Board were angry and (told) me to tell the United States to go to hell.”

The US eventually submitted an alternate woman candidate: Carol Bellamy, a former director of the Peace Corps.

Although Elizabeth Rehn of Finland received 15 votes to Bellamy’s 12 in a straw poll, Boutros-Ghali said he asked the Board president to convince the members to achieve consensus on Bellamy so that the US could continue a monopoly it had held since UNICEF was created in 1947.

This article contains excerpts from a book on the United Nations titled “No Comment—and Don’t Quote Me on That,” authored by Thalif Deen, Senior Editor at Inter Press Service news agency. A former member of the Sri Lanka delegation to the General Assembly sessions, he is a Fulbright scholar with a Master’s Degree in Journalism from Columbia University, New York, and twice (2012-2013) shared the gold medal for excellence in UN reporting awarded annually by the UN Correspondents Association (UNCA). The book is available on Amazon. The link to Amazon via the author’s website follows: https://www.amazon.com/No-Comment-dont-quote-that/dp/064811838X

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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