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South Africa's most successful Olympian Tatjana Smith explains why she has reversed her decision to retire from competitive swimming.

The sanctions could trigger a trade war between Washington and Beijing.

Sept groupes de combattants issus de plusieurs régions du pays se sont coalisés autour d’un objectif commun : renverser le premier ministre.

La police Républicaine a lancé, dimanche 20 septembre 2026, une opération de contrôle visant les conducteurs de motos et de voitures auteurs d'infractions au Code de la route.

Les conducteurs indélicats sont désormais dans le viseur de la Police républicaine. Selon les informations rapportées par Bip Radio, plus de 100 conducteurs de motos ont été interpellés et verbalisés entre dimanche 20 et lundi 21 septembre 2026, pour diverses infractions routières.

Une dizaine de conducteurs de voitures ont également été verbalisés au cours de cette opération. Les contrôles se poursuivent sur les axes concernés afin de sanctionner les comportements contraires aux règles de circulation.

A.A.A

Le nombre d’affrontements armés a augmenté en août dans l’est de la République démocratique du Congo, principalement avec la reprise de l’offensive de l’AFC-M23 au Nord-Kivu et au Sud-Kivu, selon le dernier rapport du Baromètre sécuritaire du Kivu (KST), un projet de l'Institut congolais de recherche sur la politique, la gouvernance et la violence (Ebuteli).

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Des concentrations de dioxyde de soufre (SO2) dépassant largement les normes de l’Organisation mondiale de la santé (OMS) ont été mesurées à Manomapia, dans la province du Lualaba. C’est ce que révèle un rapport publié ce lundi 21 septembre à Kinshasa par le Consortium Mazingira Pour Tous.

Ce mardi 22 septembre sort Le chant du cygne, Diana, ma sœur, une biographie de la princesse Diana rédigée par son frère, le comte Charles Spencer. La première épouse du roi Charles est décédée, après leur divorce, dans un accident de voiture à Paris en 1997. La famille royale avait alors été accusée d’indifférence, alors que la jeune femme connaissait une immense popularité auprès des Britanniques.

Deux semaines après sa victoire historique en Saxe-Anhalt, l’AfD a confirmé sa percée dimanche en arrivant de nouveau en tête, cette fois en Mecklembourg-Poméranie-Occidentale, avec plus de 38% des voix. Un nouveau revers pour la CDU de Friedrich Merz, qui passe sous les 5% et perd sa représentation dans ce Land. À Berlin, autre déconvenue : la CDU est devancée par le parti de la gauche radicale Die Linke. Le chancelier reconnaît un « désastre » mais assure qu’il ne changera pas de cap et exclut de démissionner. Comment expliquer ces revers en série pour les conservateurs ? Et jusqu’où la montée de l’AfD fragilise-t-elle Friedrich Merz ?

Sans surprise, le parti Russie unie de Vladimir Poutine a largement remporté les élections législatives avec près de 58% des voix et 355 sièges sur 450 à la Douma. Un scrutin sans véritable suspense, alors que les candidats et partis opposés à la guerre ont été écartés. Mais pourquoi organiser des élections dans ces conditions ? Que cherche Vladimir Poutine à travers ce scrutin ?

Három megyéből járnak árusok a nagybányai piacra: a környékről főként Koltóról és Katalinból, de még szilágyságiak és szatmáriak is, magyarok és románok egyaránt. A Főtér Fesztivál idején látogattuk meg őket, és igyekeztünk többükkel diskurálni. Enikővel például, aki Katalinból érkezett, a jelenlegi nehézkes gazdasági helyzettől és a drágaságtól indítottuk a társalgást, Bencze Annussal szilágysági gyökereire is […]

Articolul Hogy jobban induljon az ősz – benéztünk a nagybányai piacra apare prima dată în Kolozsvári Rádió Románia.

Während die Kostenfrage rund um den F-35 Bern aufwühlt, reist eine Schweizer Delegation in die Fertigungshalle nach Texas. Ein Besuch vor Ort.

DIGITAL 08H : Avez-vous tenté votre chance ?

Le tirage DIGITAL 08H N°199 a livré son verdict !

Mardi 22 Septembre 2026

Avez-vous joué ?

Avez-vous misé sur vos numéros porte-bonheur ?

RÉSULTAT : 42 • 27 • 79 • 21 • 03

Félicitations aux heureux gagnants !

Pas encore cette fois ? Gardez le sourire.

Rendez-vous à 11H pour le prochain tirage.
Jouez dans les points de vente ou : Tapez *590# ou rendez-vous sur lnbloto.bj

Jouez avec modération et responsabilité. Le jeu doit rester un plaisir.

DIGITAL 00H : Avez-vous tenté votre chance ?

Le tirage DIGITAL 00H N°198 a livré son verdict !

Mardi 22 Septembre 2026

Avez-vous joué ?

Avez-vous misé sur vos numéros porte-bonheur ?

RÉSULTAT : 72 • 88 • 58 • 59 • 22

Félicitations aux heureux gagnants !

Pas encore cette fois ? Gardez le sourire.

Rendez-vous à 08H pour le prochain tirage.

Jouez dans les points de vente ou : Tapez *590# ou rendez-vous sur lnbloto.bj

Jouez avec modération et responsabilité. Le jeu doit rester un plaisir.

The European Union increasingly speaks of strategic autonomy as a central objective for navigating a world characterized by geopolitical rivalry, technological dependence, and growing uncertainty. Although the concept initially gained prominence in security and foreign policy debates, it has increasingly extended into economic, technological and digital policy. In particular, the EU has linked strategic autonomy to reducing strategic dependencies, strengthening technological capabilities and preserving the Union’s ability to act in a rapidly changing international environment (Borrell, 2020; European Council, 2020; Broeders, Cristiano and Kaminska, 2023). But an important question remains: who actually governs EU strategic autonomy in the digital domain?

Much of the existing literature on EU digital policy has examined the subject through legal, regulatory, or Commission-centred perspectives. While these approaches are important, they can overlook a fundamental feature of EU governance: strategic policy objectives are rarely controlled by a single institution. Instead, they emerge through interactions among institutions with different competences, resources and political priorities (Tsebelis and Garrett, 2001; Peterson, 2001; Kreppel and Oztas, 2017). My research therefore approaches EU digital strategic autonomy through a hybrid governance framework combining three dimensions of power: political steering, technocratic expertise and intergovernmental bargaining.

The European Council plays an important role in defining the broad political direction. Article 15 of the Treaty on European Union assigns it the role of providing the Union with the necessary impetus for its development and defining its general political directions and priorities (European Union, 2016). In recent years, European Council conclusions have increasingly connected competitiveness, technological sovereignty, resilience and strategic autonomy. For example, the European Council has called for reducing strategic dependencies, strengthening European technological capabilities and developing a more sovereign digital transition (European Council, 2025a, 2025b). The European Council therefore contributes significantly to the political framing and prioritisation of strategic autonomy, even though it does not exercise legislative functions. Yet political direction alone does not produce policy.

The European Commission plays a different but equally important role. Under Article 17 TEU, the Commission promotes the general interest of the Union and takes appropriate initiatives to that end, while also exercising important executive and coordinating functions (European Union, 2016). Its institutional position gives it substantial influence over policy formulation and legislative initiatives. Research on EU agenda-setting has highlighted the Commission’s capacity to act as a policy entrepreneur and to connect agenda-setting with policy formulation (Kreppel and Oztas, 2017; Leppänen, 2022). This role is particularly visible in digital policy. The Digital Services Act (DSA), Digital Markets Act (DMA) and European Chips Act illustrate how broader strategic objectives can be translated into concrete regulatory and industrial initiatives (European Parliament and Council of the European Union, 2022a, 2022b, 2023). These instruments demonstrate that strategic autonomy is not simply a political aspiration; it can also be pursued through the EU’s regulatory and industrial capacities.

At the same time, the Council of the European Union and the member states remain essential to the process. Under the ordinary legislative procedure, Commission proposals are negotiated and adopted by the Council and the European Parliament. The Council consequently provides an important arena for intergovernmental bargaining in which national preferences, economic interests and different assessments of strategic dependencies can influence the final shape of EU legislation (Tsebelis and Garrett, 2001; Tallberg, 2008).

This means that EU digital strategic autonomy cannot easily be attributed to one institution. Instead, it is produced through a continuous process of interinstitutional interaction and negotiation. The European Council can establish broad political priorities; the Commission can translate those priorities into legislative and regulatory initiatives; and the Council, together with the European Parliament, participates in negotiating and adopting the resulting legislation. The distribution of influence therefore varies across stages of the policy process rather than being concentrated in a single institutional actor. This perspective is also consistent with scholarship on digital sovereignty and strategic autonomy. Broeders, Cristiano and Kaminska (2023) show that the EU’s digital sovereignty agenda combines internal-market considerations, fundamental rights and geopolitical concerns. Rather than representing a single policy logic, digital sovereignty involves a combination of regulatory, economic and geopolitical objectives. This makes the institutional question particularly important: different institutions may exercise different forms of authority over different dimensions of the same strategic objective.

Presenting this research at UACES provided an opportunity to test this argument before an international audience of scholars working on European politics and governance. The discussion following the presentation was particularly useful for thinking about how different forms of institutional authority interact and how the concept of strategic autonomy can be distinguished from related ideas such as digital sovereignty, technological sovereignty and technological independence. One of the broader lessons I took from the conference is that strategic autonomy should not be understood simply as an outcome or policy label. It is also a governance process. Understanding who defines priorities, who possesses the expertise to formulate and implement policies, and who has the authority to negotiate their final form is essential to understanding how the EU responds to strategic vulnerabilities.

The European experience therefore raises a broader question that extends beyond digital policy: when strategic objectives emerge in complex and multi-level political systems, where does the authority to pursue them actually reside? Examining the answer requires looking not only at what policies the EU adopts, but also at the institutional relationships and power dynamics through which those policies are produced. In this sense, studying EU strategic autonomy is ultimately also a study of institutional power: who sets the agenda, who translates political priorities into policy instruments, and who shapes the compromises through which those instruments become European policy.

 

Bibliography

Borrell, J. (2020). Why European strategic autonomy matters. European External Action Service, 3 December 2020.

Broeders, D., Cristiano, F., & Kaminska, M. (2023). In search of digital sovereignty and strategic autonomy: Normative Power Europe to the test of its geopolitical ambitions. Journal of Common Market Studies, 61(5), 1260–1278. https://doi.org/10.1111/jcms.13462

European Council. (2020). European Council meeting, 1 and 2 October 2020 – Conclusions. Brussels, 2 October 2020.

European Council. (2025a). European Council conclusions on competitiveness and twin transition. Brussels, 23 October 2025.

European Council. (2025b). European Council conclusions. Brussels, 23 October 2025, sections on the sovereign digital transition and technological dependencies.

European Parliament and Council of the European Union. (2022a). Regulation (EU) 2022/1925 of 14 September 2022 on contestable and fair markets in the digital sector (Digital Markets Act). Official Journal of the European Union, L 265, 12 October 2022, 1–66.

European Parliament and Council of the European Union. (2022b). Regulation (EU) 2022/2065 of 19 October 2022 on a Single Market for Digital Services (Digital Services Act). Official Journal of the European Union, L 277, 27 October 2022, 1–102.

European Parliament and Council of the European Union. (2023). Regulation (EU) 2023/1781 of 13 September 2023 establishing a framework of measures for strengthening Europe’s semiconductor ecosystem (European Chips Act). Official Journal of the European Union, L 229, 18 September 2023, 1–53.

European Union. (2016). Consolidated version of the Treaty on European Union. Articles 15 and 17. Official Journal of the European Union, C 202, 7 June 2016.

Kreppel, A., & Oztas, B. (2017). Leading the band or just playing the tune? Reassessing the agenda-setting powers of the European Commission. Comparative Political Studies, 50(8), 1118–1150.

Leppänen, S. (2022). Agenda-setting, policy formulation, and the EU institutional context: The case of the Just Transition Fund. European Policy Analysis.

Peterson, J. (2001). The choice for EU theorists: Establishing a common framework for analysis. European Journal of Political Research, 39(3), 289–318.

Tallberg, J. (2008). Bargaining power in the European Council. Journal of Common Market Studies, 46(3), 685–708. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.2008.00798.x

Tsebelis, G., & Garrett, G. (2001). The institutional foundations of intergovernmentalism and supranationalism in the European Union. International Organization, 55(2), 357–390.

The post Who Governs EU Strategic Autonomy? Understanding Power Behind Europe’s Digital Ambitions appeared first on Ideas on Europe.

Nein zur Inklusionsinitiative, Ja zum ausgebauten Gegenvorschlag. Diese Abstimmungsempfehlung kostet mehr als eine halbe Milliarde Franken.

She commands Europe's biggest political machine from an office few EU citizens could find on a map, and even fewer voted for. In episode 13 of LensEU, we ask how much power the Commission President has actually gathered in Brussels, and what four very different countries make of her.

Les décès liés à la maladie à virus Ebola enregistrent une régression dans plusieurs centres de traitement de l'Ituri. Dans la zone de santé de Rwampara, située à la périphérie de Bunia, deux décès seulement ont été comptabilisés au cours de la semaine dernière, contre une dizaine de cas quotidiens observés au début de l'épidémie.