Diplomacy & Defense Think Tank News

Dans un avis "urgent" publié le 10 décembre, la Commission de Venise, l'organe d'experts en droit constitutionnel du Conseil de l'Europe, estime qu'une décision de la Cour constitutionnelle ukrainienne remettant en cause une nouvelle loi anticorruption n'est "pas fondée sur le droit international" et qu'elle est "entachée d'un grave vice de procédure" en raison de conflits d'intérêts concernant plusieurs juges. Après la décision de la Cour, fin octobre, le président ukrainien Volodymyr Zelensky, élu sur un programme anti-corruption, avait demandé au Parlement de réformer l'instance, et à la Commission de Venise d'émettre un avis urgent.

La Commission a publié le 9 décembre un rapport sur la mise en œuvre de la stratégie pour l'union de la sécurité. Certains progrès ont été réalisés s'agissant de la protection des réseaux 5G, de la lutte contre les abus sexuels sur les enfants, les menaces hybrides, la désinformation et le terrorisme. Mais les infrastructures physiques ou numériques doivent être davantage protégées et les États doivent appliquer davantage les directives liées à la sécurité.

L'OCDE a publié le 7 décembre un rapport consacré aux effets du virus Covid-19 sur les systèmes de retraite. Ce risque vient s'ajouter au vieillissement de la population et au faible rendement de l'épargne qui pesaient déjà sur les retraites. L'OCDE recommande aux États d'augmenter les évaluations pour repérer les groupes à risque et de développer des mesures pour que les personnes occupant des emplois atypiques aient la possibilité d'épargner pour leur retraite.

Les États européens devraient renforcer leur législation pour protéger les droits fondamentaux face à l'intelligence artificielle, alors qu'elle peut être source d'erreurs et de discriminations, selon un rapport de l'Agence européenne des droits fondamentaux publié le 14 décembre .

Lors de la cérémonie virtuelle des "European Film Awards" à Berlin le 12 décembre, trois films "Drunk", "La Communion" et "L'Affaire Collective" ont été présélectionnés pour le Prix LUX du public. Les téléspectateurs peuvent voter jusqu'au 11 avril 2021 Les trois films sélectionnés seront sous-titrés dans les 24 langues officielles de l'Union. Le gagnant sera annoncé lors de la séance plénière du Parlement européen le 28 avril 2021.

La 12ème édition des Arcs Film Festival, dédié au cinéma européen indépendant, se déroule en ligne jusqu'au 26 décembre. 120 films venus de tous les pays d'Europe sont au programme.

Jusqu'au 5 avril 2021, le musée Leopold de Vienne accueille l'exposition "Inspiration Beethoven" qui témoigne de l'influence qu'a eu Ludwig van Beethoven, dont on fête le 250e anniversaire de la naissance, sur les modernistes viennois. L'exposition présente une reconstitution du cabinet de musique réalisé par Josef Maria Auchentaller, de nombreuses œuvres de Gustav Klimt, Carl Moll ou Alfred Roller qui illustrent l'admiration de ces artistes pour le compositeur.

Dans le cadre du projet "Le Prado dans les rues" qui se déplace dans les différentes villes de Castille-La Manche, Tolède accueille jusqu'au 25 décembre près de 50 photographies qui reproduisent en taille réelle des peintures européennes du début du XIIe au début du XXe siècle conservées au musée du Prado à Madrid.

Jusqu'au 21 février 2021, le Château de Prangins – Musée national suisse accueille l'exposition Swiss Press Photo et World Press photo 20, une collection de photos de presse qui retrace les événements marquants de l'année 2019.

Le 9 décembre, le musée national d'Irlande a fait l'acquisition de la suite d'œuvres "Dressing our Hidden Truths" de l'artiste contemporaine Alison Lowry. Ces sculptures de verre et les installations, qui explorent le passé et les traumatismes récent de l'Irlande, vont rejoindre les collections permanentes du musée.

Israel’s first response to the Covid-19 crisis demonstrated a security-based approach to a non-military national crisis. Faced with a first-of-its-kind non-military crisis of national magnitude, the government reactivated a pre-established, well-rehearsed policy protocol. It assigned the security community with the operational management of the crisis and responsibility over key strategic roles. Israel’s reliance on this commu­nity is an outcome of both the health system’s weakness as well as an overarching mind­set – shared by both the leadership and the public – that perceives the security commu­nity as the optimal manager of national crises. This approach curtails the development of civilian crisis capacities and enhances future dependency on the security community in national crises. It bears consequences on Israel’s performance in future civilian crises: first, on its ability to devise an optimal response, second on its level of readiness to con­front security threats during such crises, and third on public transparency.

Ist es eine Ironie des Schicksals, dass die Corona-Pandemie, die Ende 2019 auf dem Tiermarkt von Wuhan wohl ihren Anfang nahm, Chinas Aufstieg nun einen mächtigen Schub verleiht? Als erste Zwischenbilanz ist jedenfalls festzuhalten, dass sich Pekings drakonische, teils inhumane Maßnahmen der Seuchenbekämpfung als äußerst erfolg­reich erwiesen haben. Die Eindämmung von Covid-19 in der Volksrepublik ermöglichte eine Rückkehr zur Normalität und legte den Grundstein für einen kräftigen Wirt­schaftsaufschwung. Die Führung von Partei und Staat nutzt diese Errungenschaften politisch im In- und Ausland. Chinas effektive Krisenbewältigung – epidemiologisch, ökonomisch, politisch – weist das Land am Jahresende 2020 als Krisengewinner aus. Doch ist fraglich, wie nachhaltig die wirtschaftlichen und politischen Erfolge sind.

Harro van Asselt, Sander Chan, Idil Boran, Thomas Hale, Lukas Hermwille and Charles Roger examine opportunities to strengthen climate action by non-state and subnational actors.
Five years ago, governments from across the world came together in Paris to chart a new course for global climate policy. The Paris Agreement put in place a ‘ratchet mechanism’ through which countries submit national climate plans in the form of Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), which should be reviewed and strengthened periodically.
In the past year, new and updated NDCs have been trickling in, but the level of ambition still falls short of averting the most dangerous climate impacts. On the brink of a new decade for climate action, however, we see some cause for optimism. Several of the largest emitting economies, including China, the EU, Japan, South Korea and the UK have pledged to reduce emissions to net zero by 2050 or 2060. The incoming Biden-Harris administration is also expected to commit to becoming net-zero by 2050. However, real climate benefits crucially depend on whether governments actually live up to their promises. While mid-century pledges are relatively easily made, governments need to align short-term plans and policies, including their NDCs, with longer-term commitments.
The Paris Agreement creates a set of mechanisms for updating these government commitments at periodic intervals. However, the agreement’s architects did not limit themselves to government action alone. Accompanying the agreement was a decision that underscored the role of subnational and non-state actors, including cities, regions, businesses, investors, civil society organizations and the transnational initiatives and networks in which they are engaged. These ‘non-Party stakeholders’, the drafters recognized, can help drive domestic ambition, engage in efforts to mitigate greenhouse gas emissions and boost climate resilience, and bolster action by states and international organizations at the global level.

Harro van Asselt, Sander Chan, Idil Boran, Thomas Hale, Lukas Hermwille and Charles Roger examine opportunities to strengthen climate action by non-state and subnational actors.
Five years ago, governments from across the world came together in Paris to chart a new course for global climate policy. The Paris Agreement put in place a ‘ratchet mechanism’ through which countries submit national climate plans in the form of Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), which should be reviewed and strengthened periodically.
In the past year, new and updated NDCs have been trickling in, but the level of ambition still falls short of averting the most dangerous climate impacts. On the brink of a new decade for climate action, however, we see some cause for optimism. Several of the largest emitting economies, including China, the EU, Japan, South Korea and the UK have pledged to reduce emissions to net zero by 2050 or 2060. The incoming Biden-Harris administration is also expected to commit to becoming net-zero by 2050. However, real climate benefits crucially depend on whether governments actually live up to their promises. While mid-century pledges are relatively easily made, governments need to align short-term plans and policies, including their NDCs, with longer-term commitments.
The Paris Agreement creates a set of mechanisms for updating these government commitments at periodic intervals. However, the agreement’s architects did not limit themselves to government action alone. Accompanying the agreement was a decision that underscored the role of subnational and non-state actors, including cities, regions, businesses, investors, civil society organizations and the transnational initiatives and networks in which they are engaged. These ‘non-Party stakeholders’, the drafters recognized, can help drive domestic ambition, engage in efforts to mitigate greenhouse gas emissions and boost climate resilience, and bolster action by states and international organizations at the global level.

Harro van Asselt, Sander Chan, Idil Boran, Thomas Hale, Lukas Hermwille and Charles Roger examine opportunities to strengthen climate action by non-state and subnational actors.
Five years ago, governments from across the world came together in Paris to chart a new course for global climate policy. The Paris Agreement put in place a ‘ratchet mechanism’ through which countries submit national climate plans in the form of Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), which should be reviewed and strengthened periodically.
In the past year, new and updated NDCs have been trickling in, but the level of ambition still falls short of averting the most dangerous climate impacts. On the brink of a new decade for climate action, however, we see some cause for optimism. Several of the largest emitting economies, including China, the EU, Japan, South Korea and the UK have pledged to reduce emissions to net zero by 2050 or 2060. The incoming Biden-Harris administration is also expected to commit to becoming net-zero by 2050. However, real climate benefits crucially depend on whether governments actually live up to their promises. While mid-century pledges are relatively easily made, governments need to align short-term plans and policies, including their NDCs, with longer-term commitments.
The Paris Agreement creates a set of mechanisms for updating these government commitments at periodic intervals. However, the agreement’s architects did not limit themselves to government action alone. Accompanying the agreement was a decision that underscored the role of subnational and non-state actors, including cities, regions, businesses, investors, civil society organizations and the transnational initiatives and networks in which they are engaged. These ‘non-Party stakeholders’, the drafters recognized, can help drive domestic ambition, engage in efforts to mitigate greenhouse gas emissions and boost climate resilience, and bolster action by states and international organizations at the global level.

Communities hosting large numbers of refugees are under immense pressure regarding social cohesion and local economic development, often coupled with inequitable gender roles. As this study demonstrates, cash-for-work (CfW) programmes can mitigate this pressure because – beyond direct effects on employment, infrastructure and skills – they also unfold positive community effects, even in contexts of flight and migration. This study, based on 380 interviews gathered during a 3-months field stay and a GIZ survey of over 980 former participants of the Improving Green Infrastructure in Jordan Programme, details how CfW programmes in Jordan implemented by international donors have supported local communities hosting the majority of circa 600,000 Syrian refugees living outside camps. It argues that such programmes, if skilfully designed, reap sizeable benefits not only for their direct participants, even if – under the current set-up – post-CfW employment and investment effects remain limited and changed gender roles may not be sustained. The study presents recommendations for international and local policymakers on how to factor in community effects when designing policy responses to protracted displacement.

Communities hosting large numbers of refugees are under immense pressure regarding social cohesion and local economic development, often coupled with inequitable gender roles. As this study demonstrates, cash-for-work (CfW) programmes can mitigate this pressure because – beyond direct effects on employment, infrastructure and skills – they also unfold positive community effects, even in contexts of flight and migration. This study, based on 380 interviews gathered during a 3-months field stay and a GIZ survey of over 980 former participants of the Improving Green Infrastructure in Jordan Programme, details how CfW programmes in Jordan implemented by international donors have supported local communities hosting the majority of circa 600,000 Syrian refugees living outside camps. It argues that such programmes, if skilfully designed, reap sizeable benefits not only for their direct participants, even if – under the current set-up – post-CfW employment and investment effects remain limited and changed gender roles may not be sustained. The study presents recommendations for international and local policymakers on how to factor in community effects when designing policy responses to protracted displacement.

Communities hosting large numbers of refugees are under immense pressure regarding social cohesion and local economic development, often coupled with inequitable gender roles. As this study demonstrates, cash-for-work (CfW) programmes can mitigate this pressure because – beyond direct effects on employment, infrastructure and skills – they also unfold positive community effects, even in contexts of flight and migration. This study, based on 380 interviews gathered during a 3-months field stay and a GIZ survey of over 980 former participants of the Improving Green Infrastructure in Jordan Programme, details how CfW programmes in Jordan implemented by international donors have supported local communities hosting the majority of circa 600,000 Syrian refugees living outside camps. It argues that such programmes, if skilfully designed, reap sizeable benefits not only for their direct participants, even if – under the current set-up – post-CfW employment and investment effects remain limited and changed gender roles may not be sustained. The study presents recommendations for international and local policymakers on how to factor in community effects when designing policy responses to protracted displacement.

Die EU-Staaten haben ihr Ziel zur Begrenzung des Ausstoßes von Treibhausgasen deutlich verschärft. Dazu ein Statement von Karsten Neuhoff, Leiter der Abteilung Klimapolitik am Deutschen Institut für Wirtschaftsforschung (DIW Berlin):

Mindestens 55 Prozent Emissionsminderung bis 2030 sind ein wichtiger Erfolg für Europa, für unsere Wirtschaft und für das Klima. Die Europäische Union steckt sich damit klare und gut erreichbare Ziele auf dem Weg zur Klimaneutralität. Die Entscheidung zu dem lange diskutierten Klimaziel war dringend notwendig für die Ausgestaltung der nationalen Corona-Recovery-Pakete und der Gesetzesinitiativen im Europäischen Green Deal. Dabei war die Einstimmigkeit entscheidend, denn es muss noch über viele Einzelmaßnahmen entschieden werden. Das kann nur gelingen, wenn alle an einem Strang ziehen und das gemeinsame Ziel im Blick haben. Mit der Einigung kommt die EU damit Investitionen und Jobs in einer klimaneutralen Industrieproduktion, erneuerbaren Stromerzeugung, Elektromobilität auf Straße und Schiene und Wärmewende im Gebäudesektor einen großen Schritt näher.