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Good afternoon. Let me start out by thanking you, Prime Minister Tsipras, for your hospitality and for receiving me, once again, here in Athens. Each time I return to Greece, and meet you and the President of the Republic, I feel at home and among friends. 

Since my last visit, the situation in Greece has improved a lot. This is true for the economic situation. And it is true for the migration crisis. 

Let me start with the economy, which was also the main topic of our discussions today with the Prime Minister. Fighting unemployment remains our number one economic priority across Europe. No doubt there is still a long way to go. But after so many years of bad news, the outlook is better than at any moment over the last decade. 

I know it has been hard won, but Greece is also showing signs of growth. 2016 was a record year for tourist arrivals; and the sector has helped boost the Greek economy and create jobs. Other sectors have also demonstrated the Greek dynamism, ingenuity and hard work. And your fight against tax evasion is bearing fruit. 

Too often we fail to appreciate the enormous efforts undertaken by Greece's citizens and enterprises, as well as the financial support provided by Greece's partners. They are the best examples of determination and European solidarity. This is also important to recall in the ongoing talks between you and the institutions. Everyday we get closer to an agreement. Yesterday we made significant progress and as you know, talks will continue today. I hope that you will be able to find an agreement on Friday in the Eurogroup. And I want to underline that the responsibility for achieving this agreement is shared among all the participants of this process. 

Let me now turn to migration. Another area where Greece has been in the frontline. The peak of the crisis is now behind us, also here in Greece. EU countries have sent hundreds of border guards, asylum experts and millions of euros in aid. Now we must speed up our efforts, both to keep the Western Balkan route closed and to effectively manage migration flows. Those who have come here irregularly need to either be given asylum or returned quickly. The EU is fully confident that Syrians can be returned to Turkey. Turkey has a track record of protecting Syrian refugees, and Europe is making a huge effort to support their care there. Moreover, relocation has now accelerated to 11,000. And we can reach 20,000 in the coming months, but it also depends on you and of course on other member states.

Before concluding, let me add my voice to all those condemning the chemical attack yesterday in Idlib in the strongest possible terms. The indiscriminate killing of children, women and men with chemical weapons is another tragic reminder of the brutality of this conflict and the Syrian regime. And this is not the first report of such attacks in Syria. As I have said before, the perpetrators of these acts must be held accountable. The Syrian regime bears the primary responsibility for the atrocities. But all those who support the regime share the moral and political responsibility for the situation. Thank you.

In the Netherlands, being part of the government means losing votes. This was once more illustrated by the March 2017 elections to the lower house of the Dutch parliament.

The governing Labour Party (PvdA) lost 29 of its 38 seats – an unprecedented loss for a single party. The liberal -conservative VVD of Prime Minister Mark Rutte also lost eight seats but remained the largest party, with 33 out of 150 seats.

In electoral terms, governing has become increasingly unattractive for the Dutch parties, although taking part in the government does, of course, also offer a good opportunity to shape policy. So how will the Dutch parties deal with these conflicting incentives towards government and opposition during the current coalition formation process?

Until the parliamentary elections of 2010, the Dutch coalition formation process started with the monarch being advised on the formation of a coalition by the chairs of both chambers of the parliament, the vice-president of Council of State (the government’s most important advisory body), and the leaders of the elected parties.

But since 2012 the Dutch lower house, the Tweede Kamer, has taken charge of the process. The day after the 2017 elections a meeting between the chair of the lower house and the leaders of the elected parties resulted in the appointment of an ‘explorer’ (verkenner) proposed  by the VVD – their own Health Minister, Edith Schippers.

Even if the tradition has it that the largest party takes the initiative in the coalition formation process, there is no guarantee that it will be part of the government. After the elections of 1977 and 1982, the PvdA – the largest party at the time –  did not become part of the government.

“Parties like coalition partners that are ideologically close”

In this year’s elections, the Eurosceptic populist Socialist Party (14 seats; down one), the GreenLeft party (14 seats; up ten), and the new migrant party Denk (three seats) informed the explorer of their preference for a six-party Christian-left coalition without the VVD.

But the economically and culturally right-wing Christian-democratic CDA does not like this combination. Quite understandably, the PvdA is also not much in favour of governing right now. And last but not least, it is rather unlikely that the largest party in both chambers will be excluded from the government, given the current fragmentation of the Dutch parliament. The inclusion of the VVD in the new government seems therefore almost unavoidable.

Most parties also indicated that they did not want to govern with the second-largest party, the anti-Islam and anti-EU Freedom Party (PVV), led by Geert Wilders (20 seats; up five). The parties did so on principle, citing ideological differences. The VVD and CDA also referred to the fall of their minority government (2010-2012) amidst an economic crisis, after Wilders withdrew his support.

Parties like coalition partners that are ideologically close. It allows them not only to shape policies to match their own preferences, but an ideologically coherent coalition government limits the possibility for conflict. In a competitive electoral market, it also means that their main competitors are sharing the burden of governing ‒ which is losing votes. It is therefore no surprise that the economically right-wing VVD and CDA and the pro-market liberal D66 party (19 seats; up seven) prefer to work together, despite some policy differences.

However, a fourth party is necessary for a majority, not only in the second but also in the first chamber of parliament, which has the right to approve or reject bills that passed the second chamber. But which party will fill this role?

D66 distinguishes itself from VVD and CDA on issues of migration, environment and European integration, to name just a few areas. The party would therefore prefer the GreenLeft party to join. This combination of four parties is also more likely to keep a majority after the First Chamber elections in 2019.

“Even if governing means losing votes, being in opposition is no guarantee for electoral success either – in the fragmented world of the Dutch party politics, there is no safe space”

However, there are big ideological differences between the right-wing parties and GreenLeft when it comes to sustainability, migration and income policies in particular. This is quite a challenge, especially when major revisions of the taxation and pension systems lie ahead. Nevertheless, the leaders of these parties have agreed to start negotiations led by a so-called ‘informer’, Edith Schippers. GreenLeft leader Jesse Klaver and the majority of his voters perceive participation in government as a mean to steer policies in the direction they prefer. But joining the government would make it vulnerable to its electoral competitors: the PvdA, the Socialist Party and the Animal Rights party (five seats; up three).

For its part, the VVD would be vulnerable to competition from the Freedom Party. It remains therefore to be seen whether these four parties succeed in forming a government.

Other options are still open. The ChristianUnion (five seats) ‒ centrist in social-economic terms, pro-environment, and conservative on ethical issues ‒ can also provide the support needed to achieve a majority in both chambers. But its participation in government can be problematic because of its opposition to proposals to widen possibilities of euthanasia, supported by D66, GreenLeft and VVD. That leaves the option open for a minority government of CDA, VVD and D66, which could win majority support in both chambers of parliament with ad hoc agreements with the GreenLeft and ChristianUnion as well as other constructive parties, such as the orthodox-Protestant SGP (three seats).

One thing is certain: the coalition formation process may take some time. This is not news for the Netherlands, which is used to this: it has a post-war average of three months between the elections and the installation of a new government.

The new coalition government will also shape the parties’ chances in the next election. If the new coalition government includes the PvdA’s competitors – GreenLeft, D66 and CDA – the electoral prospects of the PvdA increase.

But even if governing means losing votes, being in opposition is no guarantee for electoral success either, as the Socialist Party illustrated in March 2017. In the fragmented world of the Dutch party politics, there is no safe space.

IMAGE CREDIT: CC/Flickr – Roel Wijnants

The post In the Netherlands, governing means losing votes appeared first on Europe’s World.

Six weeks ago Brice Teinturier, whose face is well-known to the French from numerous election evenings on public television as the polling pundit who explains the gains and losses of the different parties, tried to introduce a new acronym named ‘PRAF’. In a book based on many previously published IPSOS polls and coming dangerously close to a self-promotion exercise timely published in the middle of the election campaign, he identified ‘the real crisis of democracy’, i.e. the triangle of disappointment, disillusion and disgust, which, he believes, leads to a new kind of ‘counter-cynicism’ with regard to politics in general. ‘PRAF’ thus stands for ‘Plus rien à foutre’, which may be translated alternatively by ‘couldn’t care less’ or various colloquial expressions starting with ‘F’.

To put it mildly: apart from the original neologism ‘les Prafistes’, which was eagerly picked up by excited news channels and just as quickly dropped again after a few days, there is nothing new in Teinturier’s book. Everyone following French politics over the last two decades would easily have summed it up in a short paragraph or two.

Yes, voter turnout is overall in decline (even in the presidential election abstention could reach a record 30% this year), and yes, the presidential system of the Fifth Republic, with its vicious circle of raising excessive hopes of change only to drown them in the deep frustration of inevitable Realpolitik and reform deadlock, has lost a lot of its credibility. For many voters the two last presidencies have been the final nails in the coffin. But it’s not as if the ‘Prafistes’ are a recent phenomenon. Since Mitterrand’s austerity turn of 1983 smashed the high expectations of change in budgetary rigour, their contingent has grown steadily. And we know very well their behaviour pattern: either they don’t bother to vote anymore, or they go for the Front National (‘the only one we have not tried yet’, as they say, shrugging countless shoulders on countless market squares in countless news reports on television and radio).

It is true that this time around they seem to have more impact. In a fragmented political landscape, voter mobilisation – or the absence of it – will be key in the second round. Last week, the Sciences Po researcher Serge Galam received wide media attention with his prediction, grounded on perfectly credible data modelling, that ‘the chance of a Le Pen victory is much higher than the polls indicate’.

Even without sophisticated figure crunching it is easy to foretell that people don’t go to vote if they consider that it does not matter who wins. And it is not very hard either to identify the ‘Prafistes’ simply as the French version of Trump’s Rust-Belt white male working-class electorate or Northern England’s xenophobic Brexiteers: globalisation losers, in short. It’s much more difficult, however, to underpin such clichés with serious academic evidence.

The most compelling theorist of the French disappointment-disillusion-disgust spiral is a geographer, Christophe Guilluy. After introducing what he very aptly named ‘Peripheral France’ in a much-discussed essay in 2014 (‘La France périphérique’, Flammarion), he published a sequel in 2016 much less aptly titled ‘The Twilight of Upper France’ (‘Le crepuscule de la France d’en haut’, an expression which the Guardian recently simply translated as ‘The Twilight of the Elites’).

As the title reveals, this is a very angry book, but unfortunately also a poorly written one, despite all the pertinent evidence that underpins its arguments. Quickly drafted, bloated to book size by large print, unstripped of its redundancies, and smelling of personal vendetta against the critics of his ‘periphery’ concept of 2014.

Quite a pity, since the author reminds us very convincingly that in a large territory like the Hexagone social geography matters. In a country where the State (above all, the Third Republic) had always promised to provide equal access for all citizens to everything its generous hands had to offer – education, health services, transport, and all other public services – the successive governments of the Fifth Republic, operating under different budgetary circumstances than their predecessors, can only be perceived as traitors to what the whole idea of Republican equality was about.

One of Guilluys’s key concepts is ‘metropolisation’, the ‘capturing’ of jobs, wealth, culture, growth potential, public services and training opportunity by the fifteen biggest French conurbations – most of them trendy and attractive cities with a high quality of life. This concentration process has led to a self-proclaimed, but utterly fake ‘open society’, in which increasingly visible, but permanently denied, ‘hard borders’ are consolidated between the socio-economic groups who have access to the level playing field of the economy, and those who are offside (p. 22-25).

Each of these urban centres has become a little Paris in its own right, where everything is organised in a way that allows the already rich and educated to pursue a massive gentrification process and enjoy ‘all the advantages of the free-market economy without the inconvenient drawback of class struggle’ (p. 28). Behind a thick discursive veil of openness and fairness, multiculturalism and ecology, the socio-cultural segregation already diagnosed by Bourdieu (and reinforced not only by real estate prices but also by clever bending of schoolmapping rules) has reached a new level.

Furthermore, as Guilluy shows with a good deal of linguistic sensitivity, ‘metropolisation’ is at the same time underpinned by a smart rhetoric imposed by those who are in command of the media discourse. Thanks to the Front National and to the ethnicization of what are in fact socio-economic problems, any protester can easily be condemned as a racist little Frenchlander. Another very efficient trick performed by the rich and cultivated is the successful hijacking of the increasingly meaningless expression ‘the middle classes’… (p. 143)

‘Metropolisation’ comes at the expense of all the ‘disconnected territories’ of the Republic (p. 87), in other words: the rampant desertification of the ‘periphery’, a concept not to be mistaken for ‘suburban areas’ (‘zones péri-urbaines’), let alone the famous ‘banlieues’. The periphery of France are zones where the losers are huddled: rural areas that are progressively emptied of their public services, and all the small and medium-sized (formerly industrial) cities strewn across the entire country. The data are merciless: while ‘métropoles’ like Lyon, Toulouse, Nantes, Rennes, Bordeaux, Strasbourg or Montpellier continue to both grow and produce new jobs, cities between 50,000 and 100,000 inhabitants are stagnating, and those between 15,000 and 50,000 inhabitants are regressing. In the current order of things, this trend seems irreversible: ‘All hope abandon ye who enter here!’ It is not surprising that ‘abandoned’ is how these populations describe themselves whenever a Parisian journalist drops by.

At the eve of the 2017 elections this ‘periphery’, according to Christophe Guilluy, is home to 60% of the entire population. That’s quite a few potential non-voters. And a real reservoir for Marine Le Pen.

Albrecht Sonntag
@albrechtsonntag

This is post # 16 on the French 2017 election marathon.
All previous posts can be found here

The post France 2017: Disappointed, disillusioned, disgusted. A geography lesson. appeared first on Ideas on Europe.

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The European Union, Germany, Kuwait, Norway, Qatar, the United Kingdom and the United Nations co-chair the Brussels Conference on Supporting the future of Syria and the region, on 5 April 2017.

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AMENDMENTS 71 - 386 - Draft report on the proposal for a regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council on the European Fund for Sustainable Development (EFSD) and establishing the EFSD Guarantee and the EFSD Guarantee Fund
Committee on Foreign Affairs, Committee on Development, Committee on Budgets

Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

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The European Union's commitment to effective multilateralism, with the United Nations at its core, is a central element of its external action.

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Plenary sessions : The UK and the EU will soon start talks to determine the terms of their new relationship and any resulting agreement would have to be approved by the European Parliament. Tomorrow MEPs debate Parliament’s priorities and vote on them afterwards. A key principle will be to ensure that the interests of people are safeguarded . Watch our video for a reminder of the benefits of being an EU citizen.

Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

Plenary sessions : The UK and the EU will soon start talks to determine the terms of their new relationship and any resulting agreement would have to be approved by the European Parliament. Tomorrow MEPs debate Parliament’s priorities and vote on them afterwards. A key principle will be to ensure that the interests of people are safeguarded . Watch our video for a reminder of the benefits of being an EU citizen.

Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

1. The High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and Vice-President of the European Commission, the Emergency Relief Coordinator and Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs of the United Nations and the Foreign Ministers of Germany, Kuwait, Norway, Qatar, and the United Kingdom chaired today in Brussels a conference on the Syrian conflict and its impact on the region. This conference brought together representatives of over 70 countries and international organisations, international and Syrian civil society, and built on previous years' conferences in Kuwait and London.

2. The conflict in Syria has brought about destruction and human suffering on an enormous scale. In particular, the Conference condemned the use of chemical weapons by the Government and ISIL/Daesh, as identified by the UN-OPCW Joint Investigative Mechanism, and the attacks on Khan Sheikhun yesterday. The use of chemical weapons by anyone, anywhere, must stop immediately.

3. The international community is deeply committed to engaging and working together to support a peaceful future for Syria and all its people. To that effect, the conference stressed the importance of maintaining a sovereign, independent, unitary and territorially integral country where all Syrians will be able to live in peace and security. It aimed at further progress towards a sustainable inclusive peace, while addressing the urgent humanitarian and resilience needs inside Syria and supporting the efforts of neighbouring countries in hosting over five million refugees.

4. The conference recognised that the humanitarian and resilience needs of vulnerable people (especially women and children) inside Syria and in the region have never been greater. It took note of UN-coordinated appeals requesting $8 billion in 2017 to cover assistance and protection needs inside Syria as well as in Turkey, Lebanon, Jordan, Iraq and Egypt. It acknowledged the continuing generosity of neighbouring host countries and their communities in providing refuge to millions of displaced people. Participants agreed that in order to meet the massive needs of populations inside Syria and in neighbouring countries and strengthen the resilience of host communities, significant financial support and innovative and holistic approaches are needed. The generosity of the participants has resulted in the pledging $ 6 billion (€ 5.6 billion) for 2017, as well as multi-year pledges of $ 3.73 billion (€ 3.47 billion) for 2018-2020. In addition, some international financial institutions and donors announced around $ 30 billion (€ 27.9 billion) in loans of which elements are on concessional terms. Co-chairs and others agreed to widen the resource base and ensure greater predictability, coherence and effectiveness of the aid by translating the Grand Bargain commitments made at the World Humanitarian Summit into action to deliver concrete dividends for the people affected by the Syrian conflict.

5. Humanitarian assistance alone, however, cannot stop the suffering of Syria's people in the absence of a political solution negotiated between the Syrian parties, on the basis of relevant UNSCRs, including 2254, and the 2012 Geneva Communique. The conference highlighted that any lasting solution to the conflict has to be centred on meeting the democratic aspirations and needs of the Syrian people and providing safety and security for all. Only through a genuine and inclusive political transition will there be an end to the conflict.

6. Participants therefore re-iterated their full support and commitment to the UN-moderated intra-Syrian talks in Geneva, as the only forum where a political solution should be negotiated. They welcomed the talks in Geneva, looked forward to further progress, and commended the tireless efforts of the UN Special Envoy. The role for civil society, including women's organisations, was recognised as a key part of a lasting solution.  Participants explored how the international community and the region can contribute to ensuring the success of the talks.

7. Participants recognised the constructive role that regional actors can play in facilitating a resolution to the conflict and welcomed the initiative of the EU to find common ground between them on the future of Syria.

8. The Astana meetings have a potentially crucial role in consolidating and strengthening the nationwide ceasefire, guaranteed by Russia and Turkey, and, now, with the participation of Iran. Constructive contributions from the Astana meetings should complement the efforts of the Geneva Task Forces. While supporting these efforts, strong concerns were expressed about ongoing military activity and all sides were urged to redouble their efforts to achieve full compliance with the ceasefire. A genuine ceasefire should facilitate unimpeded, country-wide humanitarian access. Immediate practical measures such as the release of detainees/abductees, the exchange of prisoners and handover of bodies, to identify missing persons, were also recognised as important confidence building measures. Participants welcomed the UN's readiness to provide technical support to improve the efficiency of the trilateral mechanism to observe compliance with the ceasefire.

9. The protection of civilians remains paramount. Participants condemned the continued violations and abuses of international humanitarian law (IHL) and international human rights law by parties involved in the conflict, including the deliberate targeting of civilians and civilian infrastructure, in particular medical and educational infrastructure and places of worship, and sexual and gender based violence. In particular they noted the findings of the UN Headquarters Board of Inquiry on the UN-Syrian Arab Red Crescent convoy. In addition participants condemned the atrocities committed by ISIL/Daesh and other UN-designated terrorist groups and reaffirmed their strong commitment to defeat them. Co-chairs called for support, including through adequate financial means, for the implementation of the UNGA Resolution 71/248 establishing an International Impartial and Independent Mechanism (IIIM) to ensure accountability for such systematic, widespread and gross violations and abuses of IHL and human rights in Syria.

10. Participants recalled the urgency of allowing rapid, safe, sustained and unhindered countrywide humanitarian access by UN agencies and NGOs to all those in need through the most direct routes, including across conflict lines and across borders, and to end all arbitrary denials of humanitarian access. Starvation of civilians through besiegement as a method of combat and their forcible displacement, as identified by the Commission of Inquiry established by the UN Human Rights Council, are clear breaches of IHL, and as such, they are unacceptable and must cease immediately. Providing immediate humanitarian support and protection to all those in need throughout the country remains imperative. Participants praised the work of Syrian, regional and international aid organisations, and called on those responsible on the ground to ensure that humanitarian relief and medical workers can deliver assistance without facing the risk of violence. Humanitarian mine action to reduce the impact of explosive hazards in Syria was also recognised as a critical protection issue for civilians. Neighbouring countries were called upon to continue to facilitate humanitarian access.

11. Participants recognised the challenges faced by neighbouring countries, notably Jordan, Lebanon and Turkey due to the extended presence of millions of Syrian refugees, and commended those governments, together with Iraq, Egypt and others in the region including Gulf states hosting significant numbers of people from Syria, for providing leadership in responding to the impact of the conflict. Participants took note of the resolution of the League of Arab States on the Syrian refugee crisis and reaffirmed their strong commitment to support host countries in providing public services, protection and assistance to refugees and host communities. The conference paid particular tribute to all those who had delivered such support in the most difficult of circumstances. Substantial progress has been made by regional governments in meeting London Conference objectives and participants welcomed the generosity of the countries hosting refugees.12. The co-chairs and others acknowledged the need for support for the economic development of Jordan and Lebanon to address the impact of the protracted crisis as well as opportunities for Syrians to secure their livelihoods. They welcomed progress in opening labour markets to refugees and agreed to support job creation programmes aligned with the host country governments' social and economic development strategies. Bearing in mind the need to accelerate progress to create 1.1 million jobs, the co-chairs undertook to support economic growth for the benefit of all, including through access to external markets and concessional funding, as well as infrastructure development. The co-chairs called upon the other participants to join them in supporting the necessary reforms, which would include improved regulation and investment climate, strengthened public-private sector links and adoption of clear reform strategies. Participants committed to increasing access to vocational training for refugees and host communities, closely aligned with private sector labour needs and accompanied by skills matching programmes. Details of how we will pursue this shared vision are set out in the documents in annex.

13. Participants agreed to continue to work towards the target of ensuring No Lost Generation of children, in Syria and in the region and increase efforts to reach the goal of getting all refugee children and vulnerable children in host communities into quality education with equal access for girls and boys. They committed to increase access to learning for 1.75 million children out of school in Syria itself. In this regard, it was also agreed to centre efforts on improving learning outcomes for boys and girls from the refugee and vulnerable host communities and to prevent drop out due to financial and non-financial barriers.

14. Participants highlighted the close links between protection, education and livelihood opportunities and welcomed host countries' renewed commitment to the protection of refugees, including through addressing those factors that place them in a situation of illegality. Humanitarian assistance to support the basic needs of the most vulnerable refugees, with a specific emphasis on children and women, must be strengthened. Participants recognised the critical role of resettlement as a protection tool for particularly vulnerable refugees, in order to offer, together with other legal pathways, safe and dignified access to safety beyond the immediate region. The importance of safe, voluntary and dignified return of refugees, in accordance with international law and once conditions are in place, was recognised.

15. Reconstruction and international support for its implementation will be a peace dividend only once a credible political transition is firmly underway. It is vital that post-agreement planning progresses in order to be prepared to respond quickly and effectively when the conditions outlined in the UNSCR 2254 and the Geneva Communiqué are in place. Participants therefore welcomed the work of the UN Inter-agency Task Force on UN post-agreement planning and its efforts to engage with relevant stakeholders and address international coordination, and took note of the principles for civilian stabilisation outlined at the London Conference. Damage and needs analyses are currently being undertaken by the UN, EU and World Bank, with a view to initiating a full Recovery and Peace Building Assessment when appropriate. Co-chairs and others reflected on ways in which Syrians and their neighbours could contribute to Syrian economic recovery and reconstruction once a credible political transition is firmly under way.

16. Participants acknowledged that reconstruction will be successful only in the context of a genuine and inclusive transition that benefits all the Syrians. The legitimate grievances and democratic aspirations of the Syrian people need to be addressed to secure lasting peace. Reconciliation and transitional justice will also be an integral part of rebuilding the country on a peaceful basis.

17. The attached fundraising annex sets out the pledges made at this Conference. The co-chairs committed to track and report on delivery of pledges, in coordination with the UN. They also undertook to review progress on the commitments of this conference regularly at key international events during the year.

18. Today's conference has agreed on a comprehensive approach to the Syrian crisis.  It underlined the need to continue to respond to the dire humanitarian situation by ensuring principled assistance and protection for those populations in need and support to the neighbouring countries. The scale of suffering is such that a political solution is more urgent than ever before. Investment of political efforts in supporting a resolution to the crisis is therefore paramount in securing a future for Syria and its people. Only Syrians can make the agreement that will secure peace. But the commitment of the international community and the region to supporting them in achieving that peaceful future is essential. Sustainable and inclusive peace in Syria for the Syrians remains the objective of all our efforts.

The workshop was organised on January 26, 2017 at the initiative of the Subcommittee on Security and Defence (SEDE) with the aim to highlight trends, challenges and recommendations regarding civilian and military personnel deployed in CSDP missions and operations in particular in the areas of force generation, training and the national follow-up on crimes and offences perpetrated during deployment.
Annalisa Creta is research fellow of the Sant'Anna School of Advanced Studies in Italy, specialised in civilian crisis management with a particular focus on training issues. Petteri Taitto is affiliated with the Laurea University of Applied Sciences in Finland as principal scientist. Alberto di Martino is full professor of criminal law at the Sant'Anna School of Advanced Studies in Italy.
Further information
Workshop summary
Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

China’s New Maritime Silk Road policy poses geostrategic challenges and offers some opportunities for the US and its allies in Asia-Pacific. To offset China’s westward focus, the US seeks to create a global alliance strategy with the aim to maintain a balance of power in Eurasia, to avoid a strong Russia-China or China-EU partnership fostered on economic cooperation.
For the EU, the 'One Belt, One Road' (OBOR) initiative by improving infrastructure may contribute to economic development in neighbouring countries and in Africa but present also risks in terms of unfair economic competition and increased Chinese domination. Furthermore, China's behaviour in the South China Sea and rebuff of the ruling of the Permanent Court of Arbitration, in July 2016, put the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) at risk with possible consequences to freedom of the seas. Increasing relations with China could also affect EU-US relations at a time of China-US tension. To face these challenges, a stronger EU, taking more responsibility in Defence and Security, including inside NATO, is needed.
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Plenary sessions : German President Frank-Walter Steinmeier made a passionate plea in favour of the EU during a speech in the plenary chamber on Tuesday 4 April. "We should not give up on this valuable heritage and leave it up to the opponents of Europe. We need to safeguard it, look after it and improve it - that is our historic duty!" he said. "It's up to us to ensure the European dream is passed on to the next generation."

Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

Plenary sessions : German President Frank-Walter Steinmeier made a passionate plea in favour of the EU during a speech in the plenary chamber on Tuesday 4 April. "We should not give up on this valuable heritage and leave it up to the opponents of Europe. We need to safeguard it, look after it and improve it - that is our historic duty!" he said. "It's up to us to ensure the European dream is passed on to the next generation."

Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

Plenary sessions : The fact that diesel cars’ nitrogen oxide (NOx) emissions are much higher in real driving conditions than in laboratory tests was known to the EU member states and Commission over a decade ago. They should now act swiftly to improve tests and checks on new cars on EU roads, say MEPs in recommendations voted on Tuesday. In a separate vote, MEPs also amended EU “type approval” rules to make environmental and safety testing more independent, with stricter oversight of cars already on the road.

Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

Plenary sessions : The fact that diesel cars’ nitrogen oxide (NOx) emissions are much higher in real driving conditions than in laboratory tests was known to the EU member states and Commission over a decade ago. They should now act swiftly to improve tests and checks on new cars on EU roads, say MEPs in recommendations voted on Tuesday. In a separate vote, MEPs also amended EU “type approval” rules to make environmental and safety testing more independent, with stricter oversight of cars already on the road.

Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP

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The Italian government has taken the lead in dealing with the Libyans (whose fractured state makes the plural appropriate). It is part of the wider EU strategy aimed at stopping people coming to Europe while simultaneously reducing the number of deaths at sea.

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The 2017 French presidential elections are an opportunity for change. They are an opportunity for the citizens to elect a president who will create a new place for France in today’s globalised world; who will tell citizens the truth about opportunities and what’s needed to seize them. Far from trying to stop one candidate, this election must be about regeneration and growth for France.

For too long France has been living beyond its economic means, placing the burden on future generations rather than undertaking much-needed reforms to make public debt sustainable. France’s competitiveness has been falling in recent years, something that is clearly reflected in international trade figures. Many talented and highly competent people are losing motivation. Significant reforms to the education system are also required, to provide people with the skills that are needed for the modern job market. France is the country of ‘Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité’, but too many citizens find themselves permanently excluded from the system.

There are significant geopolitical threats facing France and the rest of the European Union, and these will hang over the new president. Following Donald Trump’s election as President of the United States it is evident, for the first time since the Second World War, that American policy will be aimed at dividing Europe rather than uniting it. The Turkish and Russian Presidents, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and Vladimir Putin respectively, are at the EU borders, with interests that they will defend relentlessly, violating the European values of freedom, liberal democracy and the rule of law.

For the first time since the EU’s creation a member state, and a major one at that, has opted to leave. This event will have deep consequences for the EU but also for individual countries, including France. Time will tell what kind of deal will be negotiated, but the interests of all EU citizens need to be defended. National politics is incapable of responding adequately to threats such as climate change and terrorism; neither greenhouse gas emissions nor terrorists respect international borders.

“France has much that it can bring to the European project but it is not living up to its potential”

Not all these reforms will be easy but they are essential. And I believe that if citizens get a full explanation for the changes, then they will be ready not just to accept them, but even to support them.

So these elections in France are an opportunity to reject overly-simplistic, unrealistic solutions, and instead propose concrete, achievable projects that will make a difference to citizens’ lives – starting with the most marginalised. Lies told before elections create disappointment afterwards.

France has much that it can bring to the European project, to strengthen and reform it, but it is not living up to its potential. Over the last twenty years it has failed to show itself as a committed partner with a vision for the European project. This means, inevitably, that it has lost European influence.

France needs significant and credible reforms, in addition to balancing the budget and reducing public spending. In many cases, decision-making power should be devolved from Paris to regional and local authorities. Here, people fully understand the complexities of their specific situation and are better able to create innovative solutions. For example, a greater police presence in communities can develop relationships and networks that contribute to protecting citizens from security threats.

Better management of our reduced public finances is essential. To break the vicious cycle of social exclusion and poverty, often linked to long-term unemployment and limited education, more resources need to be allocated to the most deprived areas. Through this we can ensure that all of France’s young people gain the skills required to find their place in the workforce of the 21st century. For adults too, we can help those lacking in marketable skills to retrain, so that we can adapt to the new flexible working models that are now flourishing. This is essential if we are to create a truly inclusive society. It is only once these reforms have been undertaken that France can truly be seen as a credible partner on the European stage.

“Backroom, opaque deals need to stop, and citizens need to be better informed about how and why decisions were made”

National reforms need to go hand in hand with European reforms. In certain fields national sovereignty has been pooled to the European level, giving the EU sovereignty on the global stage. Trade is an exclusive European competence and yet this European sovereignty needs to be reinforced to ensure that the best possible trade deals are negotiated and ratified, and that they include ambitious social and environmental norms.

The same is true for economic and monetary union (EMU). Remarkable progress has been made so far – for example, the European Stability Mechanism rescue fund, created to provide stability to the eurozone, and the Banking Union. But governance remains incomplete. There are flaws that urgently need to be addressed. EMU needs to be strengthened and given its own budget to enable it to pursue genuine European policies.

Increased decision-making at the European level needs to be accompanied with genuine democratic reforms within the EU, to ensure greater transparency and accountability. Backroom, opaque deals need to stop, and citizens need to be better informed about how and why decisions were made. These reforms do not automatically require a treaty change.

European sovereignty needs to be created in other fields too. In 2017, with international terrorist networks, wars on the EU’s doorstep and post-truth politics reaping electoral success, we cannot remain static. As Donald Trump looks to weaken NATO, we need to strengthen European defence sovereignty, which can complement other international cooperation. This would make the EU stronger, safer and provide significant savings to national budgets. If Europe controls its external borders it will be able to provide security to its citizens. This must be genuinely European control, not a pooling of national controls, starting with a real EU border force and coastguard. A European intelligence bureau is needed, not merely the mechanisms for member states to share information if they feel like it. National egos and competition must be put to one side. It is measures like these that will address citizens’ very legitimate fears.

Far from the French elections being about trying to stop something out of fear, they are about embracing the chance of creating something better and stronger, and increasing our potential – as individuals and as a Union. The populists win when moderates do not offer a credible alternative. By electing a French president with a vision of how to create a strong, influential Europe, the citizens of France can contribute to this vision becoming a reality.

IMAGE CREDIT: CC/Flickr – Miwok

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Plenary sessions : To counter the impact of unsustainable palm oil production, such as deforestation and habitat degradation, particularly in South-East Asia, the EU should introduce a single certification scheme for palm oil entering the EU market and phase out the use of vegetable oils that drive deforestation by 2020, say MEPs in a resolution voted on Tuesday.

Source : © European Union, 2017 - EP