ELIAMEP

In ELIAMEP Briefing Note 40/2015 Dr George Tzogopoulos analyses Sino-Greek relations in the context of the future privatisation of the Piraeus Port Authority. In particular, he considers this privatisation as critical from the perspective of China to further boost the bilateral relationship but also elaborates on main goals of Greek foreign policy in selling the remaining part of the Piraeus port.

Research Fellow of ELIAMEP and Assistant Professor at the Department of Political Science, Bilkent University, Dr. Ioannis N. Grigoriadis, represented ELIAMEP in the Annual Plenary Meeting and the Tenth Anniversary Conference of the Arab Reform Initiative (ARI), which took place in Tunis on 31 October and 1 November 2015.

You can find the report of the event here.

Giving an interview on Greek Public Radio on 9 October 2015, Research Fellow of ELIAMEP Dr Angeliki Dimitriadi discussed the refugee crisis and the role of Europe.

You can read here the article on the refugee issue, which was written by Director General of ELIAMEP Dr Thanos Dokos. This commentary was published in the Greek daily Kathimerini on 7 October 2015.

You can read here the article on the Greek crisis written by Professor Emeritus and Member of the Board of Trustees of ELIAMEP Theodore Couloumbis. This commentary was published on 4 October 2015 in the Sunday edition of Kathimerini. The content is available in Greek.

While migrant deaths en route to the European Union are by no means new, the level and intensity of recent tragedies is unprecedented. More than 1850 deaths were recorded January-May 2015, demanding swift action on the part of EU Member States. This project produces a timely and robust evidence base as grounds for informing policy interventions developed under emergency conditions across the Mediterranean. It does so by assessing the impact of such interventions on those that they affect most directly: migrants or refugees themselves. This project undertakes such an assessment by engaging the journeys and experiences of people migrating, asking:

• What are the impacts of policy interventions on migratory journeys and experiences across the Mediterranean?
• How do refugees or migrants negotiate complex and entwined migratory and regulatory dynamics?
• In what ways can policy be re-shaped to address migrant deaths at sea?

The project focuses on three EU island arrival points in Greece, Italy and Malta.

Qualitative interview data, both textual and visual, is produced through an interdisciplinary participatory research approach.

The project contributes: an interdisciplinary perspective on the legal and social implications of policy interventions in the region; a comparative perspective on migratory routes and methods of travel across the Mediterranean; a qualitative analysis of the journeys and experiences of refugees and migrants; and methodological insights into participatory research under emergency conditions.

The specific objectives of the project are:

1. To document and map the experiences and journeys of refugees and migrants crossing the Mediterranean Sea by boat, focusing on key EU island arrival points in Greece, Italy, and Malta.

2. To identify the impact of emergency and longer-term policy interventions on migratory experiences and journeys across each of these sites, focusing in particular on recent developments in search and rescue, anti-smuggling, and preventative mechanisms.

3. To provide up-to-date findings and analyses that intervene in academic and public debates and that inform policy developments and practitioner responses on the basis of a methodologically and ethically sound evidence base.

4. To carry out research that engages refugees and migrants as producers of knowledge, rather than as objects of analysis.

5. To produce research that is of value to wide-ranging beneficiaries (policy-makers, practitioners, civil society groups, media and cultural outlets, and researchers), through the dissemination of diverse and accessible outputs (briefings, reports, blogs, forums, reflective articles, a visual map and exhibition, as well as journal articles) and

6. To evaluate the effectiveness of the research methodologies and dissemination strategies used throughout the course of the project.

The project was awarded to the University of Warwick and PI Associate Professor Vicki Squire (PaIS, Warwick); Co-Is Dr Dallal Stevens (Law, Warwick), Professor Nick Vaughan-Williams (PaIS, Warwick), Dr.Angeliki Dimitriadi (ELIAMEP) and Dr.Maria Pisani (University of Malta). The Research Assistant for Greece is Skerlida Agoli.

Project partners:

University of Warwick

Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy

University of Malta

For more information on the project you can visit the website https://www2.warwick.ac.uk/fac/soc/pais/research/clusters/irs/crossingthemed/

Or email

Angeliki Dimitriadi (angeliki@eliamep.gr)

By early September 2015, the UN announced that 7 million people had been displaced in Syria from a pre-war population of 22 million, with more than 4 million seeking safety outside Syria. Of those, 2.1 million Syrians were recorded by UNHCR in Egypt, Iraq, Jordan and Lebanon, and 1.9 million Syrians are estimated to have fled to Turkey according to the Turkish government. It is possible that the actual numbers, especially in Jordan and Lebanon, may be higher. Although these facts have been known for some time, the sudden increase in the influx of refugees from Syria and other conflict ridden regions (Iraq, Eritrea, Afghanistan, etc.) caught Europe by surprise. With Greece and Italy as the main gates, most asylum seekers follow the so-called Balkan corridor through the Republic of Macedonia, Serbia, Croatia, Hungary and Austria in an effort to reach Germany and other northern European countries. Countries of first entry, transit and final destination have been trying, rather unsuccessfully, to manage the refugee/migration flow.

The Schengen Agreement, one of Europe’s most tangible and widely recognizable achievements, is now faced with considerable, even existential challenges. The limited enthusiasm of several EU states (mainly in Eastern Europe but also on other parts of the continent), with the notable exceptions of Germany and Sweden (although the former already finds itself under tremendous pressure because of the large numbers of asylum seekers), to undertake any meaningful commitments in the context of a burden sharing agreement promoted by the European Commission, is once more testing the concept of a border free Europe, the limits of European solidarity and the idea of common European policies.

Although the migration debate should not become overtly securitized, there is an important security dimension as there is concern about radical individuals (jihadists) entering Europe disguised as refugees that complicates the situation even further at a time of increasing radicalization of societies and rising xenophobia and/or Islamophobia in many EU countries. Although the gradual integration of refugees/immigrants may have long-term beneficial consequences for several European countries facing the prospect of demographic decline (including Germany, but also Russia), the arrival of too many ‘guests’ in a relatively short period of time may be a significant challenge for social cohesion in a number of EU-member states. To make things even worse, the already high number of refugees and economic migrants is expected to increase in the not too distant future as large numbers of people, mainly in the developing world, may be forced to leave their homes as a result of climate change.

It is becoming, therefore, quite urgent that in addition to absolutely necessary migration management policies, the international community, and especially the EU, should focus its efforts on ending various conflicts as soon as possible. Syria – a failed state that threatens to destabilize neighboring countries, and especially Lebanon and Jordan, but also the wider region – is the obvious top priority. However, this will only be possible if Russia and Iran support an international initiative. The immediate objective should be the cessation of hostilities through the deployment of a UN peacekeeping force, the creation of a provisional government for national unity with the participation of the more moderate elements of the Assad regime and the opposition and the beginning of the difficult process of reconstruction and reconciliation. To achieve this, a unanimous decision by the UN Security Council would be required. Such a decision would be the result of the immediate resumption of the Geneva-II negotiating process, with the participation of all involved parties, including both Russia and Iran.

Because the US will continue to perceive Asia as their main foreign policy priority, the EU, primarily affected by both the refugee crisis but also by general instability in the eastern Mediterranean, as well as from the continuing confrontation with Russia over Ukraine, should undertake the necessary diplomatic initiatives to prepare the groundwork for an agreement on Syria.

There are two options for reaching an understanding with Russia: (A) a big bargain and (B) find a success story, based on common interests (or common threats). In the latter case, Syria fits perfectly, as the spread of Islamic extremism is essentially a domestic concern for Russia and the two sides have good reasons for cooperation (including targeted cooperation between intelligence and law enforcement agencies). However, as aggressive and unconstructive as Russia’s policy in Ukraine has been over the past two years (following a series of miscalculations by the West), we should not lose sight of the big picture and the extremely high stakes in the case of Syria. There are no guarantees, of course, that Russia will respond to such an opening by the EU, but President Putin has on several occasions proved to be pragmatic in his cost/benefit analysis. This may be his last opportunity to save a losing game in Syria and maintain a degree of Russian presence and influence in the eastern Mediterranean.

Finally, it is important to keep in mind that the additional arrivals in Europe (in comparison to 2014) have so far been “only” 230,000 people and that number has been sufficient to almost overwhelm even the most developed European country, Germany. There are several hundred thousands more Syrian refugees (in addition to people from other conflict regions) waiting to come to Europe if the circumstances allow. In addition to practical, short-term problems, the long-term consequences for social cohesion in several European countries may be difficult to imagine if the refugee flow continues unhindered.

This article was published on the website of Valdai Club.

In the first six months of 2015 more than 100,000 migrants crossed the Mediterranean, arriving at the shores of southern Europe in search of protection or a better life. In the same period more than 1,800 people lost their lives, drowning as overloaded and often unseaworthy boats sank into the sea. In this context, the research project aims to better understand the dynamics of migration in the Mediterranean region by providing the first large-scale, systematic and comparative study of the backgrounds, experiences, aspirations and routes of migrants in four European countries (Italy, Greece, Malta and Turkey) who have recently arrived. The research project pushes the theoretical and conceptual boundaries of migration studies. It encourages critical reflexive dialogue and practice by opening new and inclusive spaces for questioning and challenging established ways of categorising and thinking about the Mediterranean migration crisis. In so doing, it will create opportunities for increased policy dialogue and academic collaboration between the case study countries – and across the EU more generally – around the evidence gathered.

Existing research in this area is uneven in quality and scope and rarely based on systematic and comparative data collection across countries of origin or arrival, or between types of migration (forced/voluntary, primary/secondary) or migrant groups (by nationality, gender, age, religion). The research project will be grounded within existing frameworks for understanding migrant journeys and transit, secondary, mixed and irregular migration including the political and policy contexts within which this migration takes place. At the same time, it will explore the structural determinants of migration at the meso-level, focusing on both the opportunities and constraints that shape migration (migration environment, social networks and information flows). The research project will also take account of the cognitive and behavioural processes that shape migration at the micro-level. This multi-layered comparative approach will enable the analysis of the complex and dynamic forces that underpin the very rapid changes in migration patterns currently being seen in the Mediterranean region.

The main project objectives are:

• To better understand the dynamics (determinants, drivers and infrastructures) behind the recent unprecedented levels of migration across, and loss of life in, the Mediterranean;

• To map the interaction of migrants with a multitude of non-state actors (for example ‘smugglers’ and civil society organisations) and state actors (for example navy / coastguard);

• To explore the relevant opportunities and constraints in countries of origin and refuge/transit; and

• To provide a robust evidence base to inform the development of policy responses by governmental, inter-governmental and non-governmental actors.

The main activities of the project:

• The research will be undertaken at 12 sites in four countries: Italy and Malta (Central Mediterranean route) and Greece and Turkey (Eastern Mediterranean route).

• A total of 550 interviews with migrants will be conducted. The majority of these interviews will be with migrants who have crossed the Mediterranean within the preceding month, 225 each in Italy and Greece (the two countries that have received by far the largest proportion of migrants since January 2015) and 50 inMalta, a country in which migrants have effectively become ‘stuck’. A further 50 interviews will be conducted with migrants in Turkey (prospective, failed and returned) to facilitate a better understanding of the transit context.

• Around 100 interviews with governmental, non-governmental and civil society organisations will be conducted, in order to gather broader insights into the experiences and journeys of the migrants with whom they come into contact.

• The research will generate a large data set within a very short period of time (three months) which will be analysed using NVivo. This will enable the project team to draw out both qualitative and quantitative findings within and across countries, different groups of migrants and according to demographic and other variables (nationality, age, gender, religion), and to undertake a systematic thematic and comparative analysis of the factors shaping migrant journeys across the Mediterranean.

Project partners:

Coventry University, UK (Coordinator);

University of Oxford, UK;

University of Birmingham, UK;

Yasar University, Turkey;

Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy (ELIAMEP), Greece;

International and European Forum of Migration Research (FIERI), Italy;

The People for Change Foundation, Malta.

Project duration 12 months (from September 2015 until August 2016). Project funded by the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) in the United Kingdom, under the ESRC Strategic Urgency Grants scheme.

For more information, you can contact:

Dia Anagnostou (Anagnostou.eliamep@gmail.com)

Dimitris Skleparis (skleparis.eliamep@gmail.com)

In the first six months of 2015 more than 100,000 migrants crossed the Mediterranean, arriving at the shores of southern Europe in search of protection or a better life. In the same period more than 1,800 people lost their lives, drowning as overloaded and often unseaworthy boats sank into the sea. In this context, the research project aims to better understand the dynamics of migration in the Mediterranean region by providing the first large-scale, systematic and comparative study of the backgrounds, experiences, aspirations and routes of migrants in four European countries (Italy, Greece, Malta and Turkey) who have recently arrived. The research project pushes the theoretical and conceptual boundaries of migration studies. It encourages critical reflexive dialogue and practice by opening new and inclusive spaces for questioning and challenging established ways of categorising and thinking about the Mediterranean migration crisis. In so doing, it will create opportunities for increased policy dialogue and academic collaboration between the case study countries – and across the EU more generally – around the evidence gathered.

Existing research in this area is uneven in quality and scope and rarely based on systematic and comparative data collection across countries of origin or arrival, or between types of migration (forced/voluntary, primary/secondary) or migrant groups (by nationality, gender, age, religion). The research project will be grounded within existing frameworks for understanding migrant journeys and transit, secondary, mixed and irregular migration including the political and policy contexts within which this migration takes place. At the same time, it will explore the structural determinants of migration at the meso-level, focusing on both the opportunities and constraints that shape migration (migration environment, social networks and information flows). The research project will also take account of the cognitive and behavioural processes that shape migration at the micro-level. This multi-layered comparative approach will enable the analysis of the complex and dynamic forces that underpin the very rapid changes in migration patterns currently being seen in the Mediterranean region.

The main project objectives are:

• To better understand the dynamics (determinants, drivers and infrastructures) behind the recent unprecedented levels of migration across, and loss of life in, the Mediterranean;

• To map the interaction of migrants with a multitude of non-state actors (for example ‘smugglers’ and civil society organisations) and state actors (for example navy / coastguard);

• To explore the relevant opportunities and constraints in countries of origin and refuge/transit; and

• To provide a robust evidence base to inform the development of policy responses by governmental, inter-governmental and non-governmental actors.

The main activities of the project:

• The research will be undertaken at 12 sites in four countries: Italy and Malta (Central Mediterranean route) and Greece and Turkey (Eastern Mediterranean route).

• A total of 550 interviews with migrants will be conducted. The majority of these interviews will be with migrants who have crossed the Mediterranean within the preceding month, 225 each in Italy and Greece (the two countries that have received by far the largest proportion of migrants since January 2015) and 50 inMalta, a country in which migrants have effectively become ‘stuck’. A further 50 interviews will be conducted with migrants in Turkey (prospective, failed and returned) to facilitate a better understanding of the transit context.

• Around 100 interviews with governmental, non-governmental and civil society organisations will be conducted, in order to gather broader insights into the experiences and journeys of the migrants with whom they come into contact.

• The research will generate a large data set within a very short period of time (three months) which will be analysed using NVivo. This will enable the project team to draw out both qualitative and quantitative findings within and across countries, different groups of migrants and according to demographic and other variables (nationality, age, gender, religion), and to undertake a systematic thematic and comparative analysis of the factors shaping migrant journeys across the Mediterranean.

Project partners:

Coventry University, UK (Coordinator);

University of Oxford, UK;

University of Birmingham, UK;

Yasar University, Turkey;

Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy (ELIAMEP), Greece;

International and European Forum of Migration Research (FIERI), Italy;

The People for Change Foundation, Malta.

Project duration 12 months (from September 2015 until August 2016). Project funded by the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) in the United Kingdom, under the ESRC Strategic Urgency Grants scheme.

For more information, you can contact:

Dia Anagnostou (Anagnostou.eliamep@gmail.com)

Dimitris Skleparis (skleparis.eliamep@gmail.com)

Giving an interview on Greek Public Radio on 25 September 2015, Research Fellow of ELIAMEP Dr Angeliki Dimitriadi discussed the refugee crisis. You can find more information here (in Greek).

You can read here the article on the priorities of Greek foreign policy, which was written by Director General of ELIAMEP Dr Thanos Dokos. This commentary was published in the Greek daily Kathimerini on 23 September  2015

President of ELIAMEP, Professor Loukas Tsoukalis wrote an article in Kathimerini discussing the result of the Greek election. This article was published on 21 September 2015 and is available here.

Director General of ELIAMEP Dr Thanos Dokos analysed on Bloomberg how Greece deals with the refugee crisis. The article, which was published on 18 September  2015, is available here.

Alan Kurdi had been about the same age as my youngest son, Nicholas. In theory, both children were born entitled to the same basic rights to life, protection, food, shelter, education and play. But we as the international community tragically failed Aylan. Even more importantly, there are still millions of other children and adults in similar danger. By early September, the UN announced that 7 million people had so far been displaced in Syria from a pre-war population of 22 million, with over 4 million seeking safety outside Syria. Of those, 2.1 million Syrians were registered by the UNHCR in Egypt, Iraq, Jordan and Lebanon, and 1.9 million were registered in Turkey.

Europe is trying to deal with the problem almost exclusively through the management of the migration/refugee flows, and has been engaged in a very complicated – and often unpleasant – discussion on burden sharing, asylum procedures, border protection, humanitarian assistance, the prosecution of traffickers and so on. All of this is extremely important and absolutely necessary, but we appear to be limiting ourselves to treating the symptoms and not the root causes of the problem. This current European approach can only work if the numbers of people crossing into the EU is brought to a much lower level. Otherwise, the hospitality of even the most tolerant European societies will very soon be tested.

Furthermore, the Schengen Agreement – one of Europe’s most tangible and widely recognisable achievements – is now faced with considerable, even existential, challenges. The limited enthusiasm of most EU member states, with the notable exceptions of Germany and Sweden, in making any meaningful commitment to a burden sharing agreement promoted by the European Commission is seriously testing the concept of a border-free Europe, the limits of European solidarity and the idea of common European policies. The additional concern about radicalised Islamists entering Europe disguised as refugees complicates the situation further at a time of rising xenophobia and islamophobia in some EU countries.

It is becoming urgent that in addition to migration management, the international community, especially the EU, focus its efforts on ending the Syrian conflict as soon as possible. This will only be possible if Russia and Iran support an international initiative. There are, of course, several important obstacles: relations between the West and Russia remain deeply confrontational as a result of the Ukraine crisis; despite the agreement between the P5+1 and Iran on Tehran’s nuclear programme, there is still a considerable lack of trust between the two sides; Europe and the US are extremely reluctant to put “boots on the ground” in Syria; other important regional players, including Turkey whose top priority is managing the Kurdish issue, have diverging agendas; ISIS is far from defeated despite military operations against it; the Syrian opposition remains highly fragmented, complicating efforts for a transitional government; and last but not least, the – certainly not unjustified – demonising of the Assad regime raises an important question about the ethics of any possible cooperation with such a regime.

The immediate priority should be the cessation of hostilities through the deployment of a UN peacekeeping force, the creation of a provisional government of national unity and beginning the process of reconstruction and reconciliation. To achieve this, a unanimous decision by the UN Security Council is required. This would need the immediate resumption of the Geneva-II negotiating process with the participation of all involved parties including, of course, Russia and Iran. Instead of Geneva, the conference could this time take place on the Greek island of Mytilini, so that world leaders could witness first-hand the results of their continuing inaction.

The aim would be the establishment of a large and heavily-equipped peacekeeping force as soon as possible, with the substantial or symbolic participation of military forces from all the P5 plus Germany. The military participation of key neighbouring countries such as Egypt, Jordan (perhaps under the aegis of the Arab League) and Turkey would be vital to alleviating any impression that a solution has been imposed by extra-regional powers. The UN forces’ mandate and rules of engagement should explicitly authorise it to use lethal force at will against enemy combatants – namely ISIS – in order to achieve its objectives within the shortest possible time.

“The additional concern about radicalised Islamists entering Europe disguised as refugees complicates the situation further at a time of rising xenophobia and islamophobia in some EU countries”

The creation and deployment of this UN force should be linked to the new provisional government, composed of the more moderate elements of the Assad regime and the opposition. Assad should be allowed to leave the country and take sanctuary in any country willing to make such an offer. The need to stop the fighting, eradicate ISIS and stabilise the country, thus saving countless human lives but also preventing the destabilisation of neighbouring countries and the whole region, should take priority over the trial of Assad and senior members of his regime for the crimes against their own people. Such a provisional government would stay in power for a minimum of two years, under the supervision of the P5 – with some role for the Arab League. If necessary, the period could be extended until such time as the conditions allow for safe elections. The extremely difficult and complex reconstruction and reconciliation process should be generously financed by the international community, ideally including Saudi Arabia and the other Gulf countries as well as Europe and the US. Financial assistance should also be given immediately to the neighbouring countries hosting large numbers of displaced Syrians, especially Lebanon, Jordan and also Turkey.

Because the US continues to see Asia as their main foreign policy priority, it should be up to Europe, which is being primarily affected by both the refugee crisis but also by the general instability in the eastern Mediterranean and the continuing confrontation with Russia over Ukraine, to lead the necessary diplomatic initiative that would prepare the ground for an agreement over Syria.

There are two options for reaching an understanding with Russia. First, a grand bargain; and second, seeking a success story based on common interests (or common threats). In the latter case, Syria fits perfectly, as the spread of Islamic extremism is a domestic concern for Russia. However aggressive and unconstructive Russia’s policy in Ukraine has been over the past two years, we should not lose sight of the big picture and the extremely high stakes in the case of Syria. There are no guarantees, of course, that Russia will respond to such an opening by Europe, but President Vladimir Putin has proved to be occasionally pragmatic in his cost/benefit analysis.

It is important to keep in mind that the additional arrivals to Europe, in comparison to last year’s numbers, have so far “only” been 230,000 people, and that has already been enough to almost overwhelm even the most developed European country, Germany. There are still several hundred-thousand more Syrian refugees – in addition to people from other conflict-ridden regions – waiting to come to Europe. In addition to practical short-term problems, the long-term consequences for social cohesion in several European countries may be difficult to imagine if the current refugee inflow continues unhindered.

This article was published in Europe’s World

Professor Anna Triandafyllidou wrote an article on European Politics and Policy  blog of LSE on ‘EU migration talks: What EU governments can do to help solve the crisis’. The article is available here.

The new book Cultural Governance and the European Union: Protecting and Promoting Cultural Diversity in Europe, edited by ELIAMEP Research Fellow and Marie Curie Fellow at Maastricht University Dr Evangelia Psychogiopoulou is now available by Palgrave Macmillan. The book examines the role of culture in the European Union’s (EU’s) law and policies and the ways in which cultural issues have been framed at the level of the EU. The analysis explores key features of the EU’s cultural action and policies, probing their strengths and weaknesses at a time of unprecedented challenges – the recent economic crisis, globalisation and digitalisation, changes in cultural production, distribution and consumption. This timely edited collection seeks to provide readers with a better understanding of the EU’s contribution to cultural governance. More information about the book can be found here.

Giving an interview on Bloomberg on 10 September 2015, Research Fellow of ELIAMEP Dr Angeliki Dimitriadi discussed the refugee crisis. You can read the article here.

The ongoing refugee  crisis in the Mediterranean has created fears  among policy-makers  and  security  practitioners  alike  that  the  Islamic  State  (ISIS)  will  use  and ‘exploit the refugee crisis to infiltrate the West’. This Briefing Note written by Dr Dimitris  Skleparis, presents a brief history of international terrorism in Greece; assesses current international terrorist activity in the country and the Greek authorities’ response to it; and proposes first-line and pre-emptive counter-radicalisation measures that would not undermine a humanitarian response to the refugee crisis.

Briefing Note 37/2015: The Islamist Threat amidst the Refugee Crisis: Background and Policy Proposals

Author: Dr Dimitris Skleparis

The present paper written by Dr Angeliki Dimitriadi, discusses the current refugee crisis from its outbreak to its evolution, attempts to set current EU responses in a contextual setting, from the early response to the Lampedusa tragedy of 2013 with Task Force Mediterranean to today’s proposal for the redistribution of 160,000 refugees, critically discusses European Member States’ responses and the resurface of ‘Fortress Europe’ and proposes priorities and measures, stressing the need for a global response to the current refugee crisis.

«ELIAMEP Thesis»: Europe’s dubious response to the refugee crisis

Author: Dr Angeliki Dimitriadi

The loss of over a thousand human lives in an effort to cross the Mediterranean has once again drawn media and political attention to the challenges that the EU is facing in governing irregular migration and asylum in the region. However, what seems to be still missing is our (experts’ and policy makers’) understanding of what drives people to put their lives at risk in search of a better future.The policy paper offers recommendations to the Greek government, policy makers and practitioners based on the results of the IRMA project.

You can download the policy paper here.