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DRAFT OPINION on the proposal for a Council regulation laying down the Multiannual Financial Framework for the years 2028 to 2034
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FP Live looks back at the year’s geopolitical twists and turns.

Potemkin peace can be a threat all its own.

“Central Asia plus Japan Dialogue” (CA+JAD). Credit: Prime Minister’s Office of Japan

By Katsuhiro Asagiri
TOKYO, Japan, Dec 22 2025 (IPS)

Leaders of Japan and the five Central Asian states met in Tokyo on Dec. 20 and adopted the “Tokyo Declaration,” launching a new leaders-level format under the “Central Asia plus Japan Dialogue” (CA+JAD). The declaration places at the core of cooperation two priorities: strengthening supply-chain resilience for critical minerals, and supporting the Trans-Caspian Corridor (the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route), which links Central Asia with Europe without transiting Russia.

Chaired by Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi, the meeting reflected Central Asia’s strategic importance as a Eurasian crossroads and as a region with mineral resources essential to decarbonization and advanced industries. As major powers step up engagement across the region, Central Asia’s weight as a stage for diplomacy and trade has been growing.

“Central Asia plus Japan Dialogue” (CA+JAD). Credit: Prime Minister’s Office of Japan

The Japanese government emphasized a practical, implementation-oriented approach—translating cooperation into deliverable projects. For Central Asian countries, the Trans-Caspian Corridor is also a means to expand transport options and reduce dependence on any single transit route. It can help attract investment for modernizing ports, railways and customs systems, while increasing opportunities to capture transit and logistics revenues.

For Japan, corridor development and cooperation on minerals serve as a form of risk diversification in economic security. By diversifying both procurement sources and transport routes for critical minerals—such as rare earths and lithium—needed for batteries, renewable energy technologies and electronic devices, Japan aims to prepare for heightened geopolitical risk. There is also a clear intent to expand opportunities for Japanese companies to participate in infrastructure, logistics and digital sectors.

Japan–Kazakhstan Joint Statement as the Anchor

President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev(left) and Prime Minister Sane Takaichi (right) signing a joint statement. Credit: Prime Minister’s Office of Japan

Ahead of the leaders’ summit, Kazakhstan’s President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev paid an official visit to Japan, with a series of diplomatic engagements scheduled around the trip.

On Dec. 18, Prime Minister Takaichi and President Tokayev held a summit meeting and issued a joint statement on a “future-oriented expanded strategic partnership.” The statement reaffirmed a rules-based international order grounded in the principles of the U.N. Charter, and the two leaders agreed to advance cooperation through concrete initiatives in areas including critical minerals, the energy transition, and transport and logistics connectivity.

On the Trans-Caspian Corridor, the joint statement specified practical measures aimed at easing customs and port bottlenecks—such as training for customs officials in cooperation with the World Customs Organization (WCO) and support for improving cargo inspection scanners (cargo inspection equipment) at Aktau Port in western Kazakhstan. The two leaders also welcomed plans to launch regular direct flights in 2026 and agreed to begin intergovernmental negotiations toward the conclusion of a bilateral air services agreement. In addition, the joint statement expressed an intent to exchange information and explore potential avenues of cooperation with the “UN Regional Centre for the SDGs for Central Asia and Afghanistan”, which was established in Almaty.

Middle Corridor. Photo credit: TITR

Tokayev Warns of Nuclear Risks in Tokyo

On the following day, Dec. 19, President Tokayev delivered a lecture at the United Nations University in Tokyo, warning that “nuclear risks are rising again.”

Kassym-Jomart Tokayev delivered a lecture at the United Nations University

He referred not only to the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki but also to Kazakhstan’s Semipalatinsk nuclear test site, where the former Soviet Union conducted more than 450 nuclear tests, arguing that both Japan and Kazakhstan are countries that know the devastating consequences wrought by nuclear weapons. He said practical steps must be steadily accumulated to advance nuclear disarmament and reduce nuclear risks.

Semipalatinsk Former Nuclear Weapon Test site/ Credit: Katsuhiro Asagiri

Tokayev also cited Kazakhstan’s decision to relinquish the nuclear weapons left on its territory after the Soviet collapse, suggesting that security should not depend solely on nuclear deterrence.

Kazakhstan has, around Aug. 29—the date the Semipalatinsk test site was closed and also the U.N.-designated International Day against Nuclear Tests—hosted meetings in Astana that foreground the inhumane impacts of nuclear weapons and call for strengthening norms underpinning the Central Asian Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone. These gatherings have included participation by civil society groups such as the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons (ICAN) and Soka Gakkai International (SGI).

A Group photo of participants of the regional conference on the humanitarian consequences of nuclear weapons and nuclear-free-zone in Central Asia held on August 29, 2023. Credit: Jibek Joly TV Channel

Three Priority Areas: Resilience, Connectivity, Human Development

At the Dec. 20 summit, President Tokayev attended alongside the presidents of Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan. Prime Minister Takaichi noted that Central Asia’s growing population and rapid economic expansion have raised the region’s international profile, and stressed the importance of regional cooperation and engagement with external partners.

Japan announced the “CA+JAD Tokyo Initiative,” setting out three priority areas for cooperation: (1) green and resilience (including the energy transition, disaster risk reduction and supply-chain resilience for critical minerals); (2) connectivity (including the Trans-Caspian Corridor and A.I. cooperation); and (3) human development (including scholarship programs and cooperation in health and medical fields).

The Tokyo Declaration also explicitly set out the launch of the “Japan–Central Asia Partnership for AI Cooperation,” with a view to applying A.I. to resource development and related areas. More than 150 documents were signed and announced by public and private stakeholders on the margins of the meeting, and a goal was presented to develop business projects totaling 3 trillion yen over the next five years.

Multipolar Engagement and Kazakhstan’s “Multi-Vector” Diplomacy

The Tokyo gathering also underscored the reality of accelerating summit diplomacy around Central Asia. China convened a leaders’ meeting with the five Central Asian states in Kazakhstan earlier this year, and the United States invited the same five leaders to Washington in November.

Credit: Prime Minister’s Office of Japan

Kazakhstan, in particular, has long pursued a “multi-vector” foreign policy—cultivating relations in parallel with competing major powers to preserve sovereignty and strategic options. The Tokyo agreements—combining diversification of transport corridors, expanded cooperation on minerals and technology, and the use of development cooperation through international institutions—align with this balancing strategy.

For Japan, the new leaders-level format provides a means to deepen engagement with Central Asia by connecting resources, logistics and technology. For President Tokayev, the visit also served as a platform to argue that, as nuclear risks re-emerge at the forefront, Eurasia’s economic future cannot be separated from the security challenges that shape it.

INPS Japan

Related articles:

Kazakhstan Takes Lead in Global Push for Nuclear Disarmament Amid Heightened Tensions

Kazakhstan Committed to a Nuclear-Weapons-Free World

Kazakhstan’s leadership in multilateralism: A Beacon for global peace and stability

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Fulgence Ndayizeye, a Burundian bicycle taxi driver who used to cross the Congolese-Burundian border every day to support his family, wanted to return home. He and more than 500 other Burundians, including women, men, and children, stranded in Uvira on the border between the DRC and Rwanda, were finally allowed to return to their country […]

As the second Trump administration approaches the one-year mark, here’s who is influencing key policies. 

By External Source
Dec 22 2025 (IPS-Partners)

Multiple shocks defined 2025: conflict, climate breakdown and shrinking democracy.

Multilateral institutions were tested as never before.

At COP30 in Belém, Brazil, governments argued over words while the planet heated.

Yet amid the pressure, countries agreed on steps that kept global climate cooperation alive.

A new Just Transition Mechanism promised a fairer shift to a green economy.

It pledged to protect workers, women and Indigenous peoples as fossil fuels are phased out.

Island nations warned that promises without finance mean rising seas and vanishing homelands.

Pacific voices called for stronger funding for Loss and Damage.

Across the system, humanitarian budgets were cut just as needs exploded.

Conflicts in Sudan, South Sudan and Myanmar pushed millions toward famine.

In many crises, lifesaving food support was reduced or halted for lack of funds.

Global alliances like CIVICUS warned that conflict, climate chaos and democratic backsliding are converging.

They cautioned that institutions built for cooperation are struggling as powerful states turn inward.

Civil society responded with proposals to put people—not geopolitics—at the centre of the UN.

At COP30, Global South leaders elevated Indigenous and Afro-descendant voices in climate talks.

They argued that dignity, fairness and planetary protection must guide a new world order.

Gen Z movements demanded those values on the streets of South Asia and Africa.

Young protesters challenged corruption, dynastic power and widening wealth gaps.

In several countries they were met with bullets, repression and mass arrests.

Researchers noted a common story: frustration with entrenched elites and “business as usual”.

When conflict and climate disasters collide, children’s education often disappears first.

Initiatives such as Education Cannot Wait and the Safe Schools Declaration fought to keep classrooms open.

Hurricane Melissa in the Caribbean showed how storms can erase decades of progress in a night.

Billions of dollars in damage underscored how vulnerable economies are to climate extremes.

UN agencies warned that without urgent action, millions of children could be pushed into poverty by 2030.

Science bodies like IPBES stressed that climate change, nature loss and food insecurity are inseparable.

Global research networks worked to equip small-scale farmers for climate resilience and stable incomes.

Spiritual leaders also used their platforms to call for peace, climate action and an end to war.

From Gaza to Ukraine and beyond, moral voices insisted that civilians must never be targets.

Marking 80 years since the end of the Second World War, survivors renewed the vow: “never again”.

The message from 2025 was stark but clear.

The old order is straining—but new visions are emerging from communities on the frontlines.

Civil society, young people and Global South leadership are sketching a different future.

One rooted in justice, shared prosperity and protection of the planet.

The coming year will test whether the world is ready to listen.

 

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La guerre déclenchée par la Russie en Ukraine en 2022 a profondément bouleversé les équilibres géopolitiques en Europe. Elle a mis fin à l’illusion d’un continent définitivement pacifié, ravivé les logiques de blocs et provoqué un réarmement accéléré des États européens. L’OTAN a retrouvé une centralité stratégique inattendue, tandis que l’Union européenne tente de redéfinir son rôle en matière de sécurité et de défense. Au-delà du champ militaire, ce conflit interroge la souveraineté, les frontières et les rapports de puissance sur le continent. Comment la guerre en Ukraine reconfigure-t-elle durablement l’architecture de sécurité européenne ?

Laurent Griot, enseignant-chercheur à Grenoble École de Management (GEM), a répondu à nos questions à l’occasion de la première édition des Géopolitiques de Grenoble organisées par l’IRIS et Grenoble École de Management.

• Doit-on s’attendre à une partition de l’Ukraine ? Si oui, sous quelles conditions ?
• Quel avenir peut-on dresser des relations entre l’Union européenne, l’Ukraine et la Russie ?
• Comment l’économie de guerre russe a-t-elle évolué depuis le début de la guerre, et dans quelle mesure a-t-elle été impactée par les sanctions européennes ?

L’article L’Ukraine et l’avenir de la sécurité européenne : quelles recompositions géopolitiques ? est apparu en premier sur IRIS.

Our favorite books—and reviews—of 2025.

By Farhana Haque Rahman
TORONTO, Canada, Dec 22 2025 (IPS)

Our traditional “year-ender” usually kicks off with a grim litany of world disasters and crises over the past 12 months, highlights IPS partners and contributors and culminates in a more positive-sounding finale. This time I’d like to begin on a more personal note intended also as a metaphor.

Farhana Haque Rahman

On November 20 when the UN climate talks COP30 in Belem, Brazil, looked set to spill over into extra time as delegates harassed by fossil fuel lobbyists haggled over a concluding text, fire broke out in the conference centre. Cue flames and panic.

As thousands looked for the nearest exit, a young Bangladeshi diplomat saw me and instead of joining the mass scramble, he gallantly led me through the crowds to safety. Thank you Aminul Islam Zisan for demonstrating when in crisis people can come together in unique ways.

Thankfully no one was killed in the fire; talks resumed and the Conference of Parties process survived in the form of a concluding document that could be interpreted as a small step forward in the global battle to stem the climate crisis, even while making only an oblique reference to the fossil fuels that are largely creating it.

COP’s survival was not assured given the US boycott ordered by President Donald Trump who dismissed climate change as “the greatest con job” in addressing the UN General Assembly in September.

The US absence from Belem in fact inflicted more damage to the US in terms of its global standing, just as Trump’s decision to shun the G20 talks running parallel in Johannesburg only deepened its reputational harm. Salt was diplomatically rubbed into its self-inflicted wounds by the dignity of G20 host President Cyril Ramaphosa who ignored US opposition from afar and steered adoption of a declaration addressing global challenges, notably the climate crisis.

Looking back, perhaps this was the week that quietly brought the curtain down on the Age of America. Unpredictability, chaos, violence and institutionalised cruelty are the early symptoms of the dramatic shift in 2025 towards unilateralism and protectionism.

Hundreds of Palestinians, including scores of children, have been killed since the US-brokered “truce” between Israel and Hamas began on October 11. Russian air strikes against Ukrainian civilian targets have also regularly punctuated Trump’s flip-flopping efforts to end a war he said he could finish on day one of his presidency.

Sharp cuts in US aid ordered by Trump in January have “fuelled a global humanitarian catastrophe”, according to a statement by the UN Human Rights Council on July 31. Citing two independent experts on poverty, food and human rights, the Council said: “More than 350,000 deaths stemming from the aid cuts have already been estimated, including more than 200,000 children.”

Famine is spreading with the conflict in western Sudan, and lack of finance has also led to cuts in vital UN aid to South Sudan. Over one million people caught in Myanmar’s largely forgotten civil war had their lifesaving support cut by the UN World Food Programme because of funding shortfalls.

Civicus, a global alliance of civil society organizations and activists working to strengthen citizen action, says these multiple and connected crises – conflict, climate breakdown and democratic regression – are overwhelming the international institutions designed to address the problems that states can’t or won’t resolve. US withdrawal from global bodies threatens to worsen this crisis in international cooperation.

But as CIVICUS’s 2025 State of Civil Society Report outlines, civil society has ideas about how to save the UN by putting people at its heart: a theme embraced at COP30 by Open Society Foundations President Binaifer Nowrojee who endorsed Brazil’s democratic leadership for elevating Indigenous and Afro-descendant voices and bringing human rights back to the centre of climate action.

In this rapidly shifting world order, Nowrojee sees the Global South stepping forward with new ideas and a new vision rooted in dignity, fairness, and protection of the planet.

Arguably the most important agreement emerging from COP30 was the Just Transition Mechanism which aims to ensure fair development of a global green economy, protecting the rights of all people, including workers, women and Indigenous people.

Coral Pasisi, Director of Climate Change and Sustainability for the Pacific Community (SPC), highlighted at COP30 how critical the situation has become for island nations experiencing accelerating climate impacts and hoping for meaningful breakthroughs in Belem. She raised the need for stronger support from developed countries for Loss and Damage.

The Gen Z demonstrators who have rocked regimes in South Asia and Africa are certainly stepping up with their visions for fairer futures for all, their protests aimed against nepotism and corruption among entrenched elites. They have been met with bullets in Bangladesh last year, and in Nepal – where the government was forced to resign in September – as well as Tanzania where hundreds were reported killed. Gen Z protests this year also rocked Indonesia, the Philippines and Morocco.

As Jan Lundius, a Swedish researcher, wrote in IPS: “Even though specific incidents triggered these upheavals, they were all due to long-term, shared grievances evolving from stark wealth gaps, rampant nepotism, and unlimited corruption. Above all, youngsters protested against members of powerful dynasties, favouring a wealthy and discredited political elite.”

A combination of conflict and climate disasters can have disastrous long-term consequences, particularly for children’s education. Initiatives supported by IPS like Education Cannot Wait (ECW) and the Safe Schools Declaration focus on providing quality, inclusive education to crisis-affected children to prevent long-term cycles of poverty and instability.

Hurricane Melissa which swept through the Caribbean in October served as a harsh reminder that 5.9 million children and adolescents in Latin America and the Caribbean could be pushed into poverty by 2030 due to loss of education as a result of climate change if governments do not intervene soon, according to UNICEF.

The World Bank estimated the physical damage inflicted by Hurricane Melissa on Jamaica at some $8.8 billion, or 41% of the country’s 2024 GDP.

However the Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES) has also warned governments that they are underestimating or ignoring the inextricable links between climate change, nature loss and food security. Its latest assessment, approved by nearly 150 countries meeting in Windhoek, Namibia, warned that biodiversity is declining everywhere, largely as a result of human actions.

CGIAR, a global research partnership focused on food security, is facing a very different world from when it was founded nearly 50 years ago in terms of having to address climate change, biodiversity loss, and new conflicts, according to CGIAR Chief Scientist Dr Sandra Milach. A major focus is on equipping 500 million small-scale producers for climate resilience to protect their livelihoods and increase stable incomes.

A year-ender wouldn’t be complete in the run-up to festive celebrations without at least a mention of the major religious figures to dominate the news.

Pope Francis, one of the most outspoken pontiffs in modern times, died on Easter Monday. Chicago-born Robert Francis Prevost, 69, became his successor, the first North American elected to the role. Choosing to be known as Pope Leo XIV he called for an end to the ‘barbarity’ of the war in Gaza. He also took aim at climate sceptics and appealed for urgent actions to be taken by world leaders at COP30.

The Dalai Lama, spiritual leader of Tibetan Buddhism, turned 90 in exile in India, and also made a call for peace in the world. To the delight of his followers, he made clear that he would be reincarnated and that only his trusted inner circle of monks would have the “sole authority” to locate his successor. China swiftly rebuffed his declaration, saying his successor must be approved by Beijing.

In 2025 the world marked 80 years since the end of the Second World War. Minoru Harada, a Buddhist monk and head of Soka Gakkai, recalled his childhood experience of the fire-bombing of Tokyo and pledged his organisation’s determination that no one should have to endure the horrors of war.

Farhana Haque Rahman is Senior Vice President of IPS Inter Press Service and Executive Director IPS Noram; she served as the elected Director General of IPS from 2015-2019. A journalist and communications expert, she is a former senior official of the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization and the International Fund for Agricultural Development.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Cette année 2025 a été particulièrement marquée par le retour de Donald Trump à la Maison Blanche, un événement qui bouleverse en profondeur l’ordre international. Son élection constitue une véritable rupture géopolitique : il s’attaque au système international issu de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, remet en cause le concept de monde occidental et l’Alliance transatlantique. Face à ce choc, l’Europe demeure dans le déni et la crainte, tandis que le fossé ne cesse de se creuser entre le « Sud global » et ce qui constituait jusqu’ici le monde occidental. Parmi ceux qui voient dans la victoire de Donald Trump une opportunité figurent Vladimir Poutine, qui voit Washington reprendre quasi au mot près toutes ses exigence dans le cadre des négociations concernant l’Ukraine ; Benyamin Netanyahou, à la tête d’un Israël qui se présente comme vainqueur sur le plan régional mais dont l’image internationale est durablement dégradée ; ainsi que Xi Jinping, qui tire avantage d’une présidence étasunienne dysfonctionnelle et apparaît, par contraste, comme le dirigeant d’un pays stable, respectueux et fiable, notamment en Amérique latine. Quant à l’Inde, la Turquie ou l’Arabie saoudite, ces puissances intermédiaires multiplient les partenariats. Dans le même temps, les conflits persistent sur le continent africain, tandis que l’ASEAN parvient à préserver son dynamisme économique malgré le conflit entre la Thaïlande et le Cambodge.

L’article Bilan géopolitique 2025 est apparu en premier sur IRIS.

Credit: Issei Kato/Reuters via Gallo Images

By Inés M. Pousadela
MONTEVIDEO, Uruguay, Dec 22 2025 (IPS)

Myanmar is heading for an election, beginning on 28 December, that’s ostensibly an exercise in democracy – but it has clearly been designed with the aim of conferring more legitimacy on its military junta.

Almost five years after its February 2021 coup, the regime continues to fight pro-democracy forces and ethnic armed organisations, barely controlling a fifth of Myanmar’s territory. The junta has acknowledged that voting won’t be possible in much of the country.

The upcoming election fails every test of democratic legitimacy. The main democratic parties — the National League for Democracy and the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy — are banned. What remains is the Union Solidarity and Development Party, the military’s puppet party, plus minor groups that won no seats in the democratic election held in 2020. Independent media outlets have been crushed, journalists are arrested and intimidated daily and internet access is heavily restricted. In areas that resist military rule, civilians face escalating violence and arbitrary detention.

This election is designed not to reflect the popular will but to entrench military power. It comes as the regime continues its systematic campaign of violence against civilians: weeks before the junta announced the vote, Myanmar’s air force bombed a school in Oe Htein Kwin village, killing two teachers and 22 children, the youngest only seven years old.

The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners has confirmed 6,231 civilians have been killed by the military since the coup, though true figures could be much higher. Nearly half of all civilian deaths are estimated to have been caused by airstrikes. These are not indiscriminate military operations where civilians are collateral damage; they are deliberate attacks where civilians are the targets. The majority of locations of airstrikes have been sites with protected status under international law: camps for displaced people, churches, clinics and schools, often with no presence of armed groups nearby.

The junta has some powerful international allies. China backs it with billions in aid and advanced weapons. Russia supplies the fighter jets that drop bombs on civilians. India quietly sells arms. The three have long provided diplomatic cover and shielded the junta from international accountability. Meanwhile, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) continues pursuing its failed Five-Point Consensus agreed with the regime in April 2021, despite its systematic violation of every commitment. Regional powers have negotiated exclusively with the junta without input from the National Unity Government — the government in exile formed by democratically elected lawmakers — effectively treating the military regime as Myanmar’s legitimate rulers.

Now recent decisions by the Trump administration threaten to tip the balance decisively in favour of legitimising military rule. Trump has lifted sanctions, cut independent media funding and eliminated the protections formerly afforded to Myanmar’s refugees in the USA. Consistent with his transactional approach, he’s choosing access to rare earth minerals over democracy.

The concern now is that ASEAN member states may follow suit, using the sham election as justification to normalise relations with the military regime. Some have already started moving in this direction, with the junta leader invited to regional meetings.

Myanmar’s pro-democracy forces continue to resist despite the shifting international context. The People’s Defence Forces and ethnic armed groups maintain coordinated operations across most of the country. Civil society continues documenting violations, providing aid to displaced people and advocating for international action. They deserve better than to watch the world legitimise their oppressors.

The junta’s control on the ground remains tenuous, but its diplomatic position is strengthening. Whether this consolidation continues depends on how the world responds to the election. The international community must be clear that treating the election as legitimate would signal to authoritarians everywhere that democratic institutions can be overthrown with impunity, war crimes carry no real consequences and regimes that bomb schools and imprison elected leaders can secure international acceptance.

Inés M. Pousadela is CIVICUS Head of Research and Analysis, co-director and writer for CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report. She is also a Professor of Comparative Politics at Universidad ORT Uruguay.

For interviews or more information, please contact research@civicus.org

 

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A young girl looks at signage advertising specials at a food stall near her school in New Delhi, India. India faces high rates of hunger and malnutrition, while the growing availability of ultra-processed foods contributes to rising rates of childhood obesity. Credit: UNICEF/Amit Madheshiya

By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Dec 22 2025 (IPS)

2025 marked a notable year of progress in reducing global hunger; yet climate pressures, economic instability, and ongoing conflicts continue to push agri-food systems to their limits, undermining food availability. In a new report, UN agencies raise the alarm on how these factors are particularly pronounced in the Asia-Pacific region, which accounts for 40 percent of the world’s undernourished.

The Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD), the World Food Programme (WFP), and the World Health Organization (WHO) warn that access to nutritious food is increasingly slipping out of reach for millions across the region, posing serious risks to economic development, public health, and social stability across the region. A new joint report released on December 17 breaks down the state of food security and nutrition in the Asia-Pacific region in 2025, highlighting global progress toward the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

“In this day and age, no one should lack the food and optimal nutrition they need and deserve. Yet hunger, malnutrition and overweight impact the health and wellbeing of millions of our fellow human beings – including children,” said Dr Saia Ma’u Piukala, the Regional Director of WHO Western Pacific. “We need multilateral solutions to rethink, reshape and reimagine food systems across Asia-Pacific – leaving no one behind.”

While the report notes a significant decline in undernourishment across the region from 2023 to 2024—with roughly 25 million people escaping hunger—it also finds that South Asia continues to lag far behind, experiencing the highest levels of food insecurity in the Asia-Pacific. Nearly 80 percent of South Asia faces moderate to severe levels of food insecurity, with the region also reporting the highest rates of stunted growth among children—at 31.4 percent— and wasting—at 13.6 percent, both exceeding global averages.

Additionally, the Asia–Pacific region faces roughly double the rates of malnutrition compared to the global average. Adult obesity is particularly widespread, adding another layer to the region’s complex nutrition challenges.

Furthermore women and girls are projected to bear the greatest burdens, experiencing the highest levels of food insecurity among all subregions of Asia. Women and girls aged 15 to 49 also face elevated rates of anemia, with an estimated 33.8 percent affected—posing serious risks for both maternal and child health. According to figures from WHO, without urgent intervention, approximately 18 million more women and girls in South Asia could become anemic by 2030, adding to the current figure of 259 million. Anemia is a leading cause of low birth weight and stunted growth, conditions that carry long-term consequences including disrupted education, reduced economic opportunities, deepened gender inequalities, and greater vulnerability to illness.

“In South Asia, our young people and mothers stand at the heart of our demographic and development goals. Ensuring that they are healthy, nourished and empowered is not just a moral imperative, it is a strategic investment in the future of our societies.” said Golam Sarwar, Secretary General of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC).

Although the number of people in the Asia-Pacific region who can afford healthy diets has increased in recent years, food affordability remains a persistent challenge. In 2024, the cost of a healthy diet in the region averaged roughly USD 4.77 per person per day on a Purchasing Power Parity (PPP) basis—higher than the global average. The affordability gap is the widest in South Asia, where approximately 41.7 percent of the population cannot afford nutritious food.

These widening gaps in access to nutritious food not only threaten public health by leaving populations increasingly vulnerable to infections and chronic disease, but also carry far-reaching economic implications—shaping productivity and further straining already fragile economies in the region.

The report cites a study from the Asian Development Bank (ADB) which found that numerous Asian countries have historically benefitted from a “young, growing workforce,” which accounted for up to 42 percent of economic growth in the region between 1960 and 2010. However, as urbanization and population growth accelerate, a workforce facing rising food insecurity could see substantial losses.

As food insecurity in the Asia-Pacific is increasingly driven by rapid urbanization, economic pressures, and climate issues, humanitarian experts stress that response measures must adapt accordingly. Addressing hunger requires protocols that account for shifting population dynamics and rising living costs, with governments and humanitarian groups collaborating to strengthen agri-food systems to ensure that they are accessible, affordable, and resilient.

The report highlights the importance of globalization in addressing hunger strategies, underscoring the vast gains that result from more countries being integrated into global economies generally seeing fewer rates of undernourishment. Additionally, trade policies must be considered, as they shape how agricultural products move across borders, affecting the variety and availability of diverse food options. Favorable trade agreements can expand access to nutritious foods and open larger markets for small farmers, while unfavorable ones can prioritize the import of unhealthy foods, weakening local agriculture and eroding overall nutrition.

The report concludes that, “Governments together with other stakeholders are increasingly including measures in their national pathways to ensure that food and agriculture investments and policies contribute to sustainable and diverse food production, healthy food environments, promotion of positive dietary behaviour and improving access to affordable healthy diets.”

“Accomplishing that goal involves reorienting public finance and encouraging private sector investments in infrastructure development programmes, research on innovations and technologies, food manufacturing and capacity development to enhance agricultural productivity and sustainability.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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Women in peace and security. Credit: UNOAU/Sandra Barrows

By Elizabeth Eilor
WINDHOEK, Namibia, Dec 22 2025 (IPS)

Last November, the streets of Windhoek came alive with the sound of drums and brass as a marching band led a procession of women from Namibia’s Defence and security forces.

Dressed in uniform and walking in unity, they marched not only in celebration but in remembrance of a promise made 25 years ago on 31 October 2000—when the world adopted United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security.

The resolution reaffirms the important role of women in the prevention and resolution of conflicts, peace negotiations, peace-building, peacekeeping, humanitarian response and in post-conflict reconstruction, and to protect women and girls from gender-based violence.

Resolution 1325 transformed how the world views women’s roles in peacebuilding, conflict prevention, and recovery. It affirmed a truth too long overlooked: that peace is neither sustainable nor just when half of society is excluded from decision-making. It placed women at the centre of efforts to prevent conflict, rebuild nations, and safeguard human rights.

It is fitting that Namibia hosts this silver-anniversary commemoration. Twenty-five years ago, the country made history by presiding over the UN Security Council meeting that adopted the landmark resolution.

Since then, Namibia has continued to turn words into action—integrating gender perspectives into national security policies, ensuring women’s participation in peacekeeping, and promoting women’s leadership from the grassroots to the highest levels of government. The country’s record speaks for itself: a female President, Vice-President, Speaker of Parliament and has one of the world’s most gender-balanced Cabinets.

Namibia was also among the first African nations to adopt a national action plan on Women, Peace and Security, and continues to shape the regional agenda through the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the African Union (AU). The country’s progress demonstrates that when political will aligns with gender equality, transformation follows.

The anniversary, held under the theme “Honouring the Legacy, Advancing the WPS Agenda,” has brought together women from across the continent. From the vibrant street procession to consultative dialogues with civil society and youth, every moment has reflected a shared conviction—that women’s participation is essential to building lasting peace.

For the United Nations Office to the African Union (UNOAU), this milestone carries deep meaning.

UNOAU works hand-in-hand with the African Union Commission to strengthen women’s roles across peace processes, governance reforms, and mediation efforts. Through our joint initiative, ‘She Stands for Peace’, we honour African women who have transformed their communities through courage, innovation, and leadership.

The third edition of the book—launched in Windhoek—profiles these remarkable changemakers whose stories remind us that peace grows stronger when women lead.

As we mark 25 years of progress, the UN reaffirms its commitment to advancing the Women, Peace and Security agenda. The promise of Resolution 1325 remains as urgent today as it was in the year 2000: to ensure that women are not just protected from conflict but are also empowered to prevent and resolve it.

Namibia’s journey stands as an inspiration to Africa and the world. Its legacy reminds us that the spirit of 1325 lives not in resolutions alone, but in the actions of nations that choose to make peace inclusive and enduring. It lives in every woman who chooses dialogue over division and leadership over silence.

As we look to the next 25 years, may every nation follow Namibia’s example—proving once again that when women lead, peace endures.

Elizabeth Eilor is Senior Gender Advisor, United Nations Office to the African Union (UNOAU) in Addis Ababa.

Source: Africa Renewal, United Nations

IPS UN Bureau

 

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