Diplomacy & Crisis News

Colombian Air Force Kfir fighter jets fly in formation during the military parade to commemorate Colombia’s Independence Day in Bogota on July 20, 2024. (Alejandro Martinez/AFP)

There has been a lot of discussions on US plans in addressing security issues with Venezuela, as US forces take to targeting boats related to cartels attempting to bring narcotics into the United States. While the likelihood of a full assault on Venezuela would mirror the recent strikes on Iran as opposed to a strategy of regime change like in Iraq and Afghanistan, the success in assaulting the most well equipped nation in Latin America comes with significant risks to US forces.

Venezuela has been the benefactor of past procurements of weapons systems from the United States. In the pre-Chavez era, Venezuela was tasked with protecting not only itself, but American and foreign owned oil production assets. This close relationship between the US and Venezuela enabled the former ally to purchase early F-16 jets and rely on the overall protection of US assets in the region. With the start of the Chavez regime, Venezuela moved to a policy of expropriation, the cutting of ties with the West, and massive purchases of Russian military equipment, specifically the SU-30 fighter platform. With Venezuela’s border nations flying older Kfir jets and Mirage IIIE/5s, the SU-30s gave Venezuela a massive advantage in air superiority, now having the most capable fighter jets in the Americas after the United States.

While air defence over Venezuela would start with their SU-30 radars and longer range missiles intercepting incoming threats, Venezuela also obtained a layered air defence network from Russia and radars from China. Venezuela has not just one of the most capable air defence networks in Latin America, but worldwide. Chinese radars are some of the more modern variants available for territorial defence, systems which are now operational in Venezuela. To target longer range threats from the air and evasive missile threats, the export version of the S-300VM is operational in Venezuela. The S-300VM is the export tracked version of Russia’s S-300 missile system, and is one of the most capable systems in the world. To support the S-300VMs, Venezuela also uses the modern BUK-M2 for medium to long range air defence, a system that matches anything operational in the War in Ukraine in 2025. An assault on Venezuela may require more advanced techniques than even the recent strikes on Iran, as their systems are more modern than some of those that were operating in Iran before the strikes.

Being well known for many decades, and becoming more popularized in the movie Top Gun: Maverick, Venezuela operates the SA-3 air defense missile system. While not used as they would operate in real life in the movie, the SA-3 when used en masse would cause a lot of chaos in the air for any non-stealth aircraft conducting an assault on Venezuela. While the F-35s and F-22s would be a solution to avoiding the SA-3’s modernised radars in Venezuela, it would have made for a less exciting movie. A a mark of excellence, of good training by the SA-3 radar operators, and mistakes by the pilot and his support structures, an SA-3 was able to shoot down a F-117 stealth bomber over Serbia in the 1999. Even in chess, the Pawn sometimes is lucky enough to kill a King.

While the common theme when speaking about a US assault on Venezuela does not consider the mission to have great risks overall, mistakes could lead to US pilots being shot down. With multiple scenarios of defeating both S-300 systems and BUK-M2s having taken place in Ukraine, US forces likely have a good base of knowledge on how to defeat these systems in real world combat scenarios. Venezuela is quite a large country, and the very limited number of S-300VMs is not adequate to defend the entire territory. Lacking a sufficient number of BUK-M2s is also a problem and the SA-3 systems can be carefully avoided or defeated via cruise missile strikes on their radar hubs and launchers themselves. In reality, those missiles would have been taken out by overwhelming waves of Tomahawk cruise missile strikes in order to save Tom Cruise an Miles Teller a lot of grief, and in real life, all of the S-300VMs, BUK-M2s and SA-3s would be hit early with the Chinese made radars seeing the strikes coming in and being subject to them directly. If US bravado on Venezuela turns to conflict, waves of missiles would be what strikes Venezuela first and perhaps last, with no pilots being put at risk in the initial assault. The loss of US lives in combat with Venezuela would sour the public on any coercive actions, but the bluff might be worth the reward in the view of the current US Administration.

A több mint ötven éve repülő Boeing 747-es típus másodvirágzása az elmúlt évtizedben fellendült e-kereskedelemnek köszönhető. A légi áruszállításban az utasforgalomból fokozatosan kiszorult és kargógéppé átalakított Jumbók éppúgy megtalálhatók, mint az eredetileg is teherszállítónak készült példányok. Néhány ilyen gép kormánya mögött magyar pilóta ül. Egyikük Szüle Zsolt kapitány, aki immár tíz éve repüli a legendás típust. 

Volt idő, amikor a Boeing 747-esre csak a közforgalmi repülésben eltöltött évtizedek, a szakmai lépcsőfokok megmászása – 10-15 ezer óra repült idő, szélestörzsű tapasztalat, stb. - után, pályafutásuk megkoronázásaként kerülhettek a pilóták. Az ezredfordulót követően ez megváltozott, és már a fiatalabb repülőgép-vezetők is lehetőséget kaptak a típuson. Így bukkantak fel a világban szerencsét próbáló, szakmai kihívást kereső magyar pilóták is a B 747-esek fedélzetén. Ők többnyire első tisztként dolgoztak, és csak néhányukból lett idővel kapitány. Arra sokáig nem is volt példa, hogy valaki kapitányként debütáljon a Jumbón. Az elsők között volt Szüle Zsolt is, aki először légiforgalmi irányító majd később Boeing 737-es első tiszt és kapitány lett. A párhuzamosan űzött két hivatás nehezen fért meg egymás mellett, és amikor döntenie kellett, a frekvencia másik végét, a pilótafülkét választotta.

A közelmúltban azért kerestem meg, hogy saját élményein és tapasztalatain keresztül nyújtson betekintést a Boeing 747-esen dolgozó, világjáró kargópilóták kívülről kalandosnak tűnő, belülről olykor nagyon is rögös mindennapjaiba. Beszélgetésünkre, ha nem is egy Jumbo fedélzetén, de mindenképpen autentikus környezetben került sor, Zsolt B 747-es szimulátor központjában, a Simflite-ban. Arra kértem, hogy mielőtt elmerülünk a kargópilóták mindennapjaiban, röviden idézze fel a pilótafülkébe vezető út főbb állomásait.

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At first glance, the comparison seems almost absurd. Mongolia, a vast country with enormous mineral wealth, stretching between two geopolitical giants, versus Belize, a small Central American state with limited territory, modest population and no strategic depth. By classical logic, Mongolia should be the stronger actor in economic sovereignty. Yet recent analytical measurements reveal a far more counterintuitive reality: Belize today demonstrates a higher level of practical economic sovereignty than Mongolia.   As an expert of the International Burke Institute and an active participant in projects aimed at strengthening national sovereignty, I encounter such paradoxes with increasing frequency. They reveal one of the central truths of the modern world: economic sovereignty is no longer a function of size, territory, or raw resources. It is a function of control, diversification, resilience and institutional discipline.   Mongolia is rich in coal, copper, gold and rare earth elements. Its underground wealth is undeniable. Yet much of its economic model remains structurally dependent on a narrow export base and on external demand, primarily from a single dominant market. This creates a classic dependency trap. When prices fluctuate or geopolitical pressure intensifies, Mongolia’s fiscal stability, currency strength and social balance become immediately vulnerable to external forces it does not control.   Belize, by contrast, lacks large-scale mineral reserves and does not command major industrial capacity. But over the past two decades it has built something far more decisive for modern sovereignty: a diversified economic structure that reduces exposure to single-source dependency. Tourism, financial services, agriculture, logistics and digital services form a balanced ecosystem. None of these sectors dominates absolutely, yet together they form a resilient economic architecture.   Economic sovereignty is not measured by how much a country exports, but by how freely it can decide under pressure. A state that earns billions from raw materials but cannot influence pricing, transportation routes or investment conditions is not fully sovereign in economic terms. It is economically active, but strategically constrained. This is where Mongolia’s vulnerability becomes evident. Its resources generate revenue, but not full control.   Belize’s advantage lies not in volume, but in flexibility. Its economy is small, but adaptive. External shocks do not collapse the entire system at once. Currency policy, fiscal regulation and sectoral balance provide room for maneuver. In moments of global turbulence, this flexibility becomes a strategic asset far more valuable than sheer scale.   At the International Burke Institute, where we are finalizing the comprehensive Sovereignty Index to be presented this December for all UN member states, economic sovereignty is assessed not by GDP alone, but by a deeper set of indicators. These include dependency ratios, trade concentration, fiscal autonomy, financial system resilience and the state’s capacity to absorb shocks without losing strategic autonomy. It is within this multidimensional framework that Belize unexpectedly outperforms Mongolia.   As someone directly engaged in both the analytical and practical dimensions of this work, I see a pattern repeating across regions. States that rely heavily on a narrow economic corridor — one commodity, one route, one partner — accumulate invisible vulnerabilities. Their economies may look strong in growth charts, but their sovereignty erodes silently through structural exposure. When disruption comes, decision-making becomes reactive rather than sovereign.   Belize followed a different logic. Instead of maximizing output from a single dominant resource, it invested in balancing multiple smaller sectors. This did not produce spectacular growth headlines. But it produced something far more durable: economic independence in critical moments. Sovereignty is not tested in times of prosperity. It is tested when options disappear.   Mongolia now faces the classic dilemma of many resource-rich states: how to convert natural wealth into strategic autonomy rather than long-term dependence. The answer lies not in extracting more, but in restructuring more. Without diversification, even the richest subsoil becomes a fragile foundation for sovereignty.   The Belize–Mongolia contrast illustrates a broader truth about the modern global system. Size no longer guarantees strength. Wealth no longer guarantees independence. What matters is the architecture of control. Who sets the terms of trade? Who controls capital flows? Who absorbs the first удар during a crisis?   In December, when the full Sovereignty Index is released, many governments will confront similar surprises. Some large states will discover hidden fragility. Some small ones will discover unexpected strength. And many will face an uncomfortable realization: economic sovereignty today is built not by scale, but by structure.   Belize did not become stronger than Mongolia by growing bigger. It became stronger by becoming smarter in how it organizes dependency and control. And in the modern world, that difference defines who truly holds economic sovereignty — and who merely appears to.

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IPI and the Permanent Mission of Latvia to the United Nations cohosted a public discussion on Navigating Frontline Challenges for the use of Technology in UN Peace Operations on December 11th.

The event examined how UN peace operations should navigate the changing technology landscape to maximize potential benefits for efficiency and effectiveness, address changing threats posed by the use of technology by conflict parties, and mitigate the risks and potential harms presented by the introduction of new technologies into peacekeeping environments. As the Secretariat’s ongoing review of the future of all forms of UN peace operations examines opportunities for new mission modalities and formats, this event considered the potential role of new technologies across various types of mission configurations. This could include, for example, the appropriate balance of remote sensing technologies and on-the-ground presence in a future ceasefire-monitoring mission. Panelists also discussed the political, operational, and ethical implications of new peacekeeping technologies within the current geopolitical and financial environment and proposed opportunities to adapt the UN’s technology and innovation agenda in light of these challenges.

Opening Remarks:
H.E. Sanita Pavļuta-Deslandes, Permanent Representative of Latvia to the United Nations

Speakers:
Remi Clavet, Chief of Joint Mission Analysis Center (JMAC), UN Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) (Virtual)
Dirk Druet, Non-Resident Fellow, International Peace Institute
Major Modris Kairišs, Head of Autonomous Systems Competence Center, National Armed Forces of Latvia (Virtual)
Barbara Nieuwenhuys, Digital Transformation Team, UN Department of Peace Operations (DPO)

Closing Remarks:
H.E. Usman Iqbal Jadoon, Deputy Permanent Representative of Pakistan to the United Nations (Virtual)

Moderator:
Lauren McGowan, Policy Analyst, International Peace Institute

The post Navigating Frontline Challenges for the Use of Technology in UN Peace Operations appeared first on International Peace Institute.

Közel tíz éve már, hogy Szolnokon egy kezdő fedélzeti technikus kutató-mentő szolgálatba lépett. A kollégái csak annyit tudtak róla, hogy repülőgép-szerelő képesítése mellett más műszaki végzettsége is van, sőt ács és bútorasztalos szakmát is kitanult. Mivel a nevét nem tudták, azt kérték a parancsnoktól, hogy mutassa már be „a srácot”, mert lenne hozzá kérdésük autószereléssel és asztalos munkákkal kapcsolatban.

A sokoldalú fiatalember Besenyei Martin főtörzsőrmester volt, aki a Jak-52-es repülőműszaki beosztásból került a szállítóhelikopterek fedélzetére. Kollégái természetesen megismerték a „rendes” nevét is, de „A Srác”, mint becenév végleg ráragadt – ma is ez olvasható hajózóoverallja névtábláján. A főtörzsőrmester szakmai életútja inspiráló lehet bármely műszaki érdeklődésű fiatal számára.

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We are all heartbroken by the news we have lost a cherished member of our small IPI/IPA family in the form of Ambassador David Malone DPhil, who served as our President with great distinction from 1998 to 2004. We extend our condolences to David’s family, as well as to his diplomatic family in Canada.

Loved and respected by the UN Think-Tank community, David was ubiquitous throughout Turtle Bay when leading IPA, always in the thick of things, tugging at old approaches and suggesting new ways of analyzing multilateralism. He did so brilliantly and—true to his personality, often playfully. He was a most remarkable man and a friend to so many of us. We will miss him sorely.

– Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein, IPI President

****

David was a remarkable individual. Superb writer/observer on the U.N., on international law, on politics wherever he found himself. He loved teaching and urged many of his students to work with international organizations and to consider the work of diplomacy as a career. I had the good fortune to work with him at IPA/IPI. My wife and I visited him when he was posted to India. We will always cherish the private times we shared with him there.He truly was “A man for all seasons.”

– John Hirsch, Former IPA/IPI Vice President

The post In Memoriam: David M. Malone appeared first on International Peace Institute.

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IPI, together with Independent Diplomat cohosted a discussion on November 13th on innovative means to engage non-state actors in multilateral conflict resolution and prevention.

As armed conflicts reach their highest level in decades and the UN Security Council faces mounting criticism for its inability to prevent or resolve contemporary crises, there is an urgent need for more effective approaches to international peacemaking. One gap in current approaches is the lack of meaningful engagement with non-state actors, including armed groups, political opposition parties, and civil society movements—particularly within the Security Council. To fill this gap, the nonprofit diplomatic advisory group Independent Diplomat (ID) launched the “Meet the Parties” (MTP) platform.

MTP offers an impartial, confidential platform for UN Security Council members to engage multilaterally with non-state stakeholders—many of them politically contested. Over the past two years, ID has facilitated dozens of discreet MTP meetings between Security Council members and non-state actors from Afghanistan, Cameroon, South Sudan, Syria, and Sudan. MTP demonstrates that informal, unconventional approaches to diplomacy can positively influence both affected parties and international stakeholders.

This event presented a new policy report with findings from the first comprehensive assessment of the MTP initiative. The report spotlights practical methods to strengthen the inclusion of non-state actors in Security Council consultations. It also explores the transferability of these lessons beyond the Security Council, including to the UN Peacebuilding Commission, the African Union, and other multilateral forums.

Speakers:
Marlene Spoerri, Director of US and UN, Independent Diplomat
Reza Afshar, OBE, Executive Director, Independent Diplomat
Andreas Løvold, Deputy Permanent Representative of Norway to the UN
Larry Johnson, Former UN Assistant Secretary-General for Legal Affairs
Kevin Irakoze, Assistant Professor, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
Mariam Jalabi, Co-founder, Syrian Women’s Political Movement

Moderator:
Jenna Russo, Director of Research, Head of the Brian Urquhart Center for Peace Operations, International Peace Institute

The post Meet the Parties: Strengthening Multilateral Diplomacy through Inclusive Engagement with Non-state Actors appeared first on International Peace Institute.

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IPI and the International Civil Society Action Network (ICAN) cohosted an interactive event on “The Ghosts of 1325: Past, Present, Future” followed by a reception, on October 29th.

Bringing together women peacebuilders, civil society leaders, member states, UN agencies, and media, this event was hosted in partnership with the Permanent Mission of the United Kingdom to the United Nations, the Permanent Mission of Norway to the United Nation, the Global Partnership for the Prevention of Armed Conflict (GPPAC), Legal Action Worldwide (LAW), the PAIMAN Alumni Foundation, the Association for War Affected Women (AWAW), the Center for Civil Society and Democracy (CCSD), the Coalition for the UN We Need (C4UN), and Wo=Men Dutch Gender Platform.

Speakers invoked “The Ghosts of 1325”—carrying the voices of the past, present, and future to confront the Security Council with its unfilled promises. The event provided an opportunity for reflecting on, reckoning with, and renewing collective commitment to the vision of Resolution 1325.

On October 31, 2000, the UN Security Council unanimously adopted Resolution 1325 on women, peace, and security (WPS)—the first resolution to recognize women’s leadership and participation as critical to peace and security. From the outset, civil society has driven the WPS agenda, setting its vision, pushing governments to act, and holding them accountable while leading implementation on the ground.

Twenty-five years later, despite normative progress, women’s inclusion in peace processes remains the exception rather than the rule. Implementation has too often lagged behind rhetoric, and the WPS agenda risks being sidelined in transactional geopolitics. An agenda rooted in the prevention of war and humanization of security stands in contrast to current trends of rising violence and militarization. Marking the 25th anniversary offers an opportunity not merely to commemorate, but to provoke urgent reflection: What if 1325 were fully realized? What if it fades into irrelevance?

Speakers:
Phoebe Donnelly, Senior Fellow and Head of Women, Peace, and Security, International Peace Institute
Andreas Løvold, Deputy Permanent Representative of Norway to the United Nations
Paul Shrubsole, Acting WPS Focal Point, Permanent Mission of the United Kingdom to the United Nations
Sanam Anderlini, Founder and CEO, International Civil Society Action Network (ICAN)
Visaka Dharmadasa, Founder and Chair, Association of War Affected Women
Cerue Garlo, Women’s Alliance for Security Leadership
Mossarat Qadeem, Founder and President PAIMAN Alumni Trust
Helena Gronberg, Program Director, ICAN
France Bognon, Managing Director and Co-CEO, ICAN
Rajaa Altalli, Co-Founder, Center for Civil Society and Democracy
Adam Lupel, Executive Director, Coalition for the UN We Need
Mobina S.B. Jaffer, Former Canadian Senator representing British Columbia
Anwarul K. Chowdhury, Founder of Global Movement for the Culture of Peace

 

The post The Ghosts of 1325: Past, Present, Future appeared first on International Peace Institute.

With just five years left to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals, the global financing gap has widened to $4.3 trillion per year. The Fourth International Conference on Financing for Development (FfD), held in Sevilla in July 2025, sought to renew multilateral consensus around mobilizing resources for sustainable development.

This issue brief by David Mulet analyzes the Compromiso de Sevilla—the conference’s negotiated outcome—and the Sevilla Platform for Action (SPA), a voluntary registry of 130 coalitions and initiatives. It highlights how new mechanisms on sovereign debt, blended finance, and climate-linked instruments are translating commitments into action. 

At the same time, the brief underscores persistent gaps in systemic reform, including of the international debt architecture, international tax cooperation, the large-scale reallocation of special drawing rights, governance of the multilateral development banks, and climate finance. It argues that closing the global financing gap requires bridging intergovernmental commitments with voluntary innovation to ensure that experimentation accumulates into structural change. 

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The post The Financing for Development Agenda after Sevilla: Aligning Commitments and Actions appeared first on International Peace Institute.

Resolution 2719—adopted in December 2023—established a framework for using UN assessed contributions to fund up to 75 percent of AU-led peace operations authorized by the Security Council. Yet nearly two years later, the Security Council has yet to authorize an AU-led peace support operation that could mobilize funding under Resolution 2719 after efforts to apply the framework in Somalia failed to achieve consensus.

In this context, the International Peace Institute (IPI), the Stimson Center, and Security Council Report convened a workshop on September 10, 2025, to assess progress in implementing UN Security Council Resolution 2719. Participants discussed the AU–UN joint roadmap for implementing the resolution, the political and financial challenges that have emerged, and lessons from the failed attempt to apply the resolution to the AU Support and Stabilization Mission in Somalia (AUSSOM).

The workshop underscored the need to maintain political momentum behind the resolution, secure predictable and sustainable funding, and strengthen coordination between the AU and UN. Participants highlighted that its success will depend on flexible, context-specific implementation and on demonstrating tangible results for peace and security on the ground.

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The post Partnership in Peace Operations: Implementing Resolution 2719 appeared first on International Peace Institute.

Puskin egy helyen szerénytelenül a "jekatyerinai sasok dicsőséges seregeként" aposztrofálta azokat a tehetséges állami tisztviselőket és katonai parancsnokokat, akiket a "Nagy" jelzővel illetett híres cárnő szintúgy tehetséges (vagy egyszerűen csak szerencsés) kézzel választott ki magas pozícióikba, ezzel (is) megalapozva az orosz biodalomépítés egyik legjelentősebb korszakát. Közülük Fjodor Usakov tengernagyot a krónikások inkább mellőzték a többiekhez képest, elvégre "csak" kisnemes volt egy alapvetően ugye szárazföldi hatalom szolgálatában, egy épphogy csak létrehozott és mellékes orosz flottánál, olyan háborúkban, melyek nem kifejezetten a tengereken dőltek el. De ilyen körülmények is kétséget kizáróan bizonyította zsenialitását a tengeri hadviselés terén.

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Legutóbbi adásunkban az amerikai polgárháborús tematikájú westernfilm alműfaját tárgyaltuk ki, amely elég nyilvánvalóan mutatja meg azt, hogy a közönség kíváncsiságát egyaránt csigázzák fel az egzotikus tájak, gyéren lakott hatalmas térségek és a tovaszállt korok, amikor még fiatal volt a nemzet és könnyebben akadtak lelkesítő nagy közös célok. A múlt szelektív megszépítése, romantizálása persze minden társadalomban jelen van, és bizony furcsa lenne, ha ez pont a filmművészetben nem érvényesülne. Diktatúrákban ez bizonyára fokozottan érvényes, pláne ha egyenesen a rendszer születésének és megszilárdulásának „hőskora” kerül vászonra.

A Szovjetunió esetében ehhez hozzávehetjük, hogy a konszolidáció és viszonylagos enyhülés periódusában felértékelődött a könnyed tömegszórakoztatás, és korlátozottan persze, de azért új lehetőségek nyíltak a nyugati kulturális trendek követésére, összhangban a közönség erre vonatkozó jelentős igényeivel. Így futhatott fel – bár kultúrtörténeti léptékben azért nem olyan hosszú időre - a műfaj, amit a Vasfüggöny túloldalán Eastern/Ostern névvel illettek, azaz vadregényes távoli vidékeken játszódó és az amerikai westernek főbb mintáit átvevő szocialista kalandfilm.   

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A Vadnyugat névvel fémjelzett időszak alatt leginkább az 1849-es kaliforniai aranyláz és a 20. század közötti időszakot szokták érteni. Ekkor az Egyesült Államok telepesei meghódították a gyéren lakott belső részeit a kontinensnek, míg végül a modernizáció véget vetett ennek a pionír hőskorszaknak. A KatPol Kávéház 117. adását két ilyen tematikájú filmnek szenteltük: az 1959-es Lovaskatonák-nak és az 1969-es A legyőzhetetlen-nek.

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A belföldön legpozitívabb médiavisszhangot kapott, legnépszerűbb háború, melyben az Egyesült Államok valaha részt vett, kétségtelenül a Spanyolország elleni - pontosabban a még megmaradt spanyol gyarmatbirodalom felszámolásáért indított - volt 1898-ban. A gyors és látványos győzelem, a különböző egzotikus szigetek feletti fennhatóság ill. hegemónia megkaparintása messzemenő következményekkel járt az immár világhatalomként a történelem színpadára lépő nemzet jövőjére nézve.

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Az olasz bevándorlók helyzete az Egyesült Államokban nem volt túl rózsás a 19. században, sokszor emberszámba sem igazán vette őket az angolszász lakosság. Ahogy korábban a hozzájuk hasonlóan katolikus íreknek, nekik is meg kellett küzdeniük azért, hogy elismerjék őket. Ebben a helyzetben érkezett a pápa engedélyével egy apáca, Francesca Cabrini (aki felvette a „Xavér” férfinevet Xavéri Szent Ferenc tiszteletére), hogy gyámolítsa a rászorulókat. Ez a sok nehézség ellenére olyannyira jól sikerült, hogy az általa létrehozott jótékonysági hálózat mind a mai napig működik a Föld számos országában, ő maga pedig az első amerikai szent lett. Az ő történetét bemutató filmről, az idei Cabriniről szól a KatPol Kávéház mai adása.

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A Wikipedia szerint a South Pacific 1949-ben jelent meg, mégis a mai napig az egyetlen jelentős musical az Egyesült Államokból, amely II. világháborús eseményeket dolgoz fel. Sajnos ezt csapatunk szerény művészettörténeti ismeretek birtokában sem cáfolni, sem megerősíteni nem tudja; mindenesetre annyit magabiztosan leszögezünk, hogy a szűkebb értelemben vett téma és helyszín a címből azonnal kikövetkeztethető. 

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„A háború sosem változik.” – hirdeti a Fallout franchise elhíresült mottója. Mint ebből a felvezetőből is kiderülhet, a KatPol Kávéház mai adásában a posztapokaliptikus unverizumban játszódó sorozattal foglalkozunk behatóbban. Már maga a mottó is elgondolkodtató, hiszen a háború lényege pont az adaptálódás és fejlődés, de itt egyértelműen nem hadászati, hanem az emberi tényezőről van szó, arról, ahogy fajunk az idő kezdete óta vív küzdelmet nemcsak az elemek, de egymás ellen is. Habár idővel más kérdések is napirendre kerültek (társadalomkritika, görbe tükör formájában) az alapvető üzenet mindig is ez volt.

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Ha az ardenneki csatára gondolunk, melynek helyszíneiről és emlékezetéről podcastunk 98. adásában közöltünk élménybeszámolót, a II. világháború egyéb nyugat-európai fejezetei közül - vagy ha akár egész Európát nézük, bár az oroszországi viszonyokkal ezen a téren nem vagyunk nagyon tisztában - kettő olyat tudunk bizonyosan említeni, amely felülmúlja azt emlékezetpolitikai jelentőségében: a Market Garden és az Overlord / D-Nap. Ezt figyelembe véve és pozitív belgiumi tapasztalatainkon felbuzdulva - ki hitte volna, hogy ezt a szóösszetételt egyszer így leírjuk - csapatunk arra vállalkozott, hogy az ottanihoz lényegében hasonló, de a harcok kerek, 80. évfordulójára időzített, és ennélfogva azért grandiózusabb normandiai rendezvénysorozaton teszi tiszteletét.

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