Africa

To strengthen protection services to internally displaced people in the Somali capital, Mogadishu, the Somalia Humanitarian Fund recently released $7 million to scale up life-saving and life sustaining assistance.

A court in Kenya rules that Christian schools may not ban Muslim girls from wearing headscarves as part of their uniforms.

Zimbabwe's government is axing 25,000 civil service jobs in an effort to rein in government spending amid an economic collapse.

Dr Sarah Giles works with Medecins Sans Frontieres and Tony Laurent is one of the rescue staff with SOS Mediterranee.

A satirical take on the African news this week.

The man trying to persuade Senegal to give up its addiction to plastic bags.

Demand for fish in Zambia is high but unorthodox fishing methods are also on the rise.

(Geneva)

Excellency,

Our organisations write to you in advance of the opening of the 33rd session of the United Nations Human Rights Council to share our serious concerns regarding the human rights and humanitarian situation in Sudan. Many of these abuses are detailed in the attached annex.

We draw your attention to the Sudanese government’s continuing abuses against civilians in South Kordofan, Blue Nile and Darfur, including unlawful attacks on villages and indiscriminate bombing of civilians. We are also concerned about the continuing repression of civil and political rights, in particular the ongoing crackdown on protesters and abuse of independent civil society and human rights defenders. In a recent example in March 2016, four representatives of Sudanese civil society were intercepted by security officials at Khartoum International Airport on their way to a high level human rights meeting with diplomats that took place in Geneva on 31 March. The meeting was organised by the international NGO, UPR Info, in preparation for the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) of Sudan that took place in May.[1]

We call upon your delegation to support the development and adoption of a strong and action-oriented resolution on Sudan under agenda item 4 at the 33rd session of the UN Human Rights Council. The resolution should mandate a Special Rapporteur to monitor and report on ongoing human rights violations and recommend to the Sudanese government concrete ways to end them, and publicly urge the Government of Sudan to implement the recommendations made to Sudan by the UN Human Rights Council during its 2016 Universal Periodic Review.[2]

Five years on, the conflicts between Sudan and armed opposition in South Kordofan and Blue Nile continue to have a devastating impact on civilians. The most recent round of talks between the Government of Sudan and rebel movements ended in a standstill, with a lack of agreement on modalities for the provision of humanitarian aid and the cessation of hostilities.[3]

Sudanese government forces continue to attack villages and bomb civilian areas indiscriminately, and to block humanitarian aid groups from accessing affected areas. At least 1.7 million people, over half the population of the two areas, have been forced to flee their homes since the conflict started in 2011.[4] The National Human Rights Monitoring Organisation and Sudan Consortium documented twenty incidents of aerial bombardment in South Kordofan’s Heiban County in May 2016, including one incident on 1 May 2016, which resulted in the deaths of six children.[5]  Government forces and allied militia have also been implicated in widespread levels of sexual violence. In February 2015, the Human Rights and Development Organisation reported how government forces raped at least 8 women in South Kordofan in one week.[6] The scale of sexual violence is likely much greater than any reports indicate.[7]

In Darfur, where conflict has continued for 13 years, government forces continue to attack civilians, especially in Jebel Mara. Over 80,000 civilians were newly displaced in Darfur in the first five months of 2016.[8] In 2015, the UN Panel of Experts on Sudan characterized Sudan’s strategy in Darfur as one of “collective punishment” and “induced or forced displacement” of communities from which the armed opposition groups are believed to come or operate.[9] The joint African Union – United Nations peacekeeping mission, UNAMID, has been largely unable to access the most affected conflict areas, due to government restrictions.[10]

Government forces continue to use excessive force to disperse demonstrations, resulting in death and injury and there has been no accountability for the deaths of more than 170 protesters killed during violent crackdowns in September and October 2013.

Across Sudan, national security officials and other security forces have targeted opposition party members, human rights defenders, students, and political activists for arrest, detention, and other abuses. In the UN Independent Expert’s second mission to Sudan in April 2016, he noted having received reports of prolonged detention without access to family and lawyers.[11]

Sudanese authorities also routinely repress the basic rights of women, including through public order provisions that criminalize “indecent” dress such as wearing trousers. Authorities have used these and other repressive laws to target female activists and human rights defenders for arrest, detention, and various forms of harassment, including sexual violence.[12] Authorities have restricted civil society organizations from operating freely, including those that fight for women’s rights.

In light of the situation in Sudan, the UN Human Rights Council must take stronger action in response to the widespread and grave violations of human rights and humanitarian law. We urge your delegation to ensure that the UN Human Rights Council adopts at its 33rd session a resolution under agenda item 4 to:

• Strengthen the special procedure mandate on Sudan by extending it as a Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Sudan under item 4, with a mandate to monitor and publicly and periodically report on violations of human rights and international humanitarian law in all parts of Sudan.
• Request the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights to urgently dispatch investigation teams, with expertise in sexual and gender-based violence, to investigate crimes under international law and serious violations and abuses of human rights in Darfur, South Kordofan and Blue Nile, identify those suspected of criminal responsibility, provide recommendations for accountability, and to report to the Council on its findings at the 35th session.
• On the 5th anniversary of the conflicts in South Kordofan and Blue Nile, condemn in the strongest terms the grave violations of human rights and international humanitarian law in South Kordofan and Blue Nile, including the continued indiscriminate aerial bombing of civilian populated areas, the use of cluster bombs, and other indiscriminate attacks on civilians by Government forces and allied militia, as well as the continued blockade of humanitarian aid.
• Similarly condemn attacks targeting the civilian population and civilian objects in Darfur, in particular looting, destruction of civilian facilities, killings and sexual violence committed by paramilitary forces and other Sudanese government forces, which has led to forced displacement of civilian populations;
• Urge the government of Sudan to allow unfettered access by UNAMID, humanitarian agencies and NGOs to all parts of Darfur and humanitarian agencies, and NGOs to all parts of Darfur, South Kordofan and Blue Nile.
• Urge the Government of Sudan to provide an update to the Council on  concrete measures taken to implement the recommendations made to it during its UPR that enjoy its support, and the recommendations made by the Independent Expert following his visit in April 2016
• Urge the Government to address the continued impunity of security forces and ensure accountability for the killings of more than 170 protestors in Khartoum in September and October 2013, as well as more recent killings such as the student protestors killed in April 2016.
• Condemn the continued restrictions on the media, on human rights defenders and political opponents, freedoms of association and of peaceful assembly, and the use of arbitrary detention and torture, as detailed.
• Urgently call for the release of individuals arbitrarily detained by the NISS and urge the Government of Sudan to repeal the repressive National Security Act of 2010, and all other legislation which grants immunities to Government of Sudan agents.

We thank you for your attention to these pressing issues.

Sincerely,

Organisations

Act for Sudan

Alkarama Foundation

Al Khatim Adlan Centre for Enlightenment and Human Development (KACE)

African Centre for Justice and Peace Studies

Amnesty International

Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies

Christian Solidarity Worldwide

CIVICUS World Alliance for Citizen Participation

Darfur Bar Association

Darfur Relief and Documentation Centre

DefendDefenders

Enough Project

Face Past for Future

Human Rights and Development Organisation

Human Rights Watch

International Commission of Jurists

International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH)

International Refugee Rights Initiative

Journalists for Human Rights – Sudan

National Human Rights Monitoring Organisation

Never Again Coalition

People4Sudan

REDRESS Trust

Skills for Nuba Mountains

Stop Genocide Now

Sudan Consortium

Sudan Democracy First Group

Sudanese Human Rights Initiative

Sudanese Human Rights Monitor

Sudanese Rights Group (Huqooq)

Sudan Unlimited

Waging Peace

 

Individuals

Dr. Abdel Mutaal Girshab, Human Rights Consultant.

Dr. Ahmed A. Saeed, civil society member and political activist.

Nagla Ahmed, human rights defender.

Salih Amaar, Deputy Editor in Chief of Al-Taghyeer

 

Annex: Human rights and humanitarian situation in Sudan since September 2015

Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile

The conflict between the Government of Sudan and the Sudan Peoples’ Liberation Army-North (SPLA-N) in Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile, “the Two Areas,” is now five years old. Sudanese authorities and the opposition forces continue to disagree on modalities for humanitarian access to the region.

Since the outbreak of fighting, Sudanese government forces have indiscriminately attacked -- both by ground forces and aerial bombardment -- civilians in rebel-held areas of the Nuba Mountains in South Kordofan and Blue Nile. These attacks often coincide with planting and harvesting seasons, causing massive food insecurity and large-scale displacement. The South Kordofan and Blue Nile States Food Security Monitoring Unit reported that in the Warni and Kau-Nyaro areas of South Kordofan, controlled by the SPLM-N, 242 people in eight villages (including 24 children) were reported to have died from lack of food and hunger-related illnesses in the last six months of 2015.[13]

Whilst the Government of Sudan has a legitimate right to target the SPLA-N, international law requires that civilians, and civilian objects, are protected at all times. Attacks on civilian areas, including hospitals and schools, breach international standards and may constitute war crimes.

In April and May 2016, the International Refugee Rights Initiative and the National Human Rights Monitoring Organisation found that there had been a significant increase in the number of children killed and injured by bombs. Overall, the monitors documented a total of 101 incidents of aerial bombardments, shelling and ground fighting resulting in the deaths of 41 people (six men, four women and five children) and injury to 53 people (eight men, seven women and 22 children).[14]

 

Darfur

Following a referendum on the administrative status of Darfur in April 2016, the Government of Sudan reiterated its argument that UNAMID was no longer needed and that the referendum signaled the conclusion of the peace process.[15] Despite its claims that the war is over, civilians throughout the region continue to suffer the impact of fighting and widespread human rights abuses. Immunities protecting Sudanese authorities have led to a lack of accountability for crimes committed against civilians. In addition to government attacks on suspected rebel areas, other armed groups continue to fight often along ethnic lines over land or resources.

Human Rights Watch documented evidence of war crimes and potential crimes against humanity during two Rapid Support Forces (RSF) campaigns in South Darfur in 2014 and Jebel Marra in 2015. During these offences, forces repeatedly attacked villages, and burned and looted homes, beating, raping and executing villagers.[16] 

Civilians in South Darfur and particularly Jebel Marra continue to face attacks and abuses in 2016 by the RSF in “Operation Decisive Summer” offensives. In January 2016, the Sudanese government renewed aerial bombardments and ground attacks on presumed rebel locations.[17]  In January and February 2016, the government forces destroyed 47 villages and killed dozens of civilians in ground and aerial attacks.[18] Civilians displaced from Jebel Marra have reportedly fled to Kabkabeyia, Tawila, and Nertiti, orfurther into the mountainous region into rebel held areas, where they are unable to access humanitarian assistance.[19]

Authorities continued to stifle reporting on the situation. Civilians have been arrested and detained without charge for engaging in dialogue with members of the international community. On 31 July 2016, ten people, including seven internally displaced persons, were arrested and detained by the NISS in Nierteti, central Darfur, after attending a meeting with the United States Special Envoy for Sudan and South Sudan, Donald Booth.[20]

 

Excessive use of force and extra-judicial killings

Authorities continue to break up demonstrations and political forums using excessive force and mass arrests. In April 2016, violent confrontations between students and security agents went on for three weeks at the University of Khartoum. Dozens of students were arrested during these protests, with an unknown number of detainees held in NISS custody, raising serious concern for the safety and well-being of all detainees.

On 5 May 2016, NISS agents raided the office of a prominent human rights lawyer, Nabil Adib, in Khartoum and arrested a group of students, their family members, and office staff. The students were receiving legal advice on appealing a decision by the University of Khartoum to expel or suspend them following their participation in the protests.[21]

In West Darfur, at least seven people, including one child, were killed when security forces used live ammunition at a crowd of protestors outside the West Darfur state governor’s office on January 10, 2016. The crowd had gathered to demand protection after the nearby village of Mouli was looted and burned to the ground. The following day, three people were killed and seven others sustained gunshot wounds when security forces again fired live ammunition at the funeral for the deceased. [22]

On January 31, security forces again used excessive force to disperse university students who convened to discuss the attacks on Mouli at El Geneina university. On 2 February 2016, one student, Salah al Din Gamar Ibrahim, died from a head injury following a violent raid, in which he was detained and beaten. His dead body was found outside his home and medical sources reported the cause of death was internal bleeding from a head injury caused by a sharp object.[23]

In April, two students were killed in separate incidents in which government security forces and armed students used live ammunition to break up protests at two university campuses. On 19 April 2016, Abubakar Hassan, (m), 18 years of age and a student at the University of Kordofan in El Obeid was killed by a gunshot wound to the head.[24] The attack began when the NISS intercepted a group of students marching peacefully towards the Student Union to submit a list of pro-opposition candidates for student union elections that day. The NISS agents, using AK47 rifles and pistols, fired into the crowd.

In the following days students demonstrated at universities across the country protesting Mr. Hassan’s death. On 27 April 2016, Mohamed al-Sadiq Wayo, (m), 20 years of age and a student at Omdurman Ahlia University was killed by a gunshot wound to the chest. Witnesses reported that the victim was shot by NISS agents after a political forum took place, which had been organized by the Nuba Mountain Students’ Association and at which members criticized the killing of Mr. Hassan as well as the forcible dispersal of demonstrations at Khartoum University on 13 April 2016.[25]

To date, there has been no accountability for the victims of anti-austerity protests that took place in 2013, when Sudanese security forces fired live ammunition to disperse protestors. Although our organisations documented that more than 170 individuals were killed, many the result of gun-shot wounds to the chest or head, Sudanese authorities have acknowledged just 85 deaths.[26] The mandate, composition and findings of three commissions of inquiry reportedly established by authorities to investigate the killings have never been made public. Out of at least 85 criminal complaints pursued by victims’ families, only one progressed to court. The murder conviction of the accused, a Sudan Armed Forces officer, was overturned on appeal.

Human rights defenders and victims rights groups calling for justice and accountability for the 2013 protest killings have been subjected to arbitrary arrests and harassment. On 3 February 2016 a group of 15 women were arrested and beaten with wooden batons by members of Sudan’s NISS in Khartoum for staging a protest demanding accountability for the 2013 protest killings.[27]

 

Repression of Civil Society Activists, Journalists, and Organizations

The NISS has continued to use its sweeping powers to detain activists, civil society, human rights defenders, and political opponents for up to four and a half months without charge. The NISS routinely holds detainees incommunicado and without charge for prolonged periods, sometimes in excess of the period permitted by the 2010 National Security Act. Our organisations have documented patterns of torture and ill-treatment of detainees and other forms of intimidation and harassment, such as summonses and threatening phone calls, to threaten perceived political opponents and activists.[28] 

Over the past eighteen months, TRACKS has been raided twice, on 16 April 2015[29] and 29 February 2016.[30]  National security officials have detained several of its staff and affiliates, and brought criminal cases against individuals following each raid, charging them with a number of offences including crimes against the state, which carry the death penalty. Three of the accused were detained without charge for 86 days by the Office of the Prosecutor for State Security before being transferred to Al Huda Prison to await trial, where they remain. In addition, charges pending for over a year were reactivated against a human rights defender, Adil Bakhiet, in May 2016.

Human Rights Watch documented how NISS has used its powers to silence female human rights activists in particular, including through sexual violence.[31] In addition, authorities continue to unduly restrict civil society organizations in other ways. Authorities have shut down organizations, such as the Salmmah Center in October 2014, and imposed undue restrictions on registration. The Confederation of Sudanese Civil Society Organisations reported that in the last quarter of 2015 three organisations faced ongoing restrictions in the renewal of their licences, one local organisation was denied registration, and another was forcibly closed without reasons being given.[32] 

The NISS continues to censor not only independent newspapers or those affiliated to opposition political parties, but also those that are traditionally supportive of or affiliated to the ruling National Congress Party (NCP). A number of Sudanese laws restrict the right to peaceful expression, association and assembly, including provisions of the 1991 Sudanese Penal Code and the 2009 Press and Publications Act.

NISS officials have repeatedly summoned journalists and threatened them with prosecution, arbitrarily detained them, and harassed them with threatening visits or telephone calls from NISS officials ordering them not to report on so-called “red line” issues deemed to be controversial or critical of the NCP.[33] For example, in April 2016, newspapers were prevented from publishing information on the arrests of students at Khartoum University.

Post-print censorship, whereby entire print runs of daily editions are confiscated prior to morning distribution, continues to be routinely utilised, at great cost to newspapers.

During the second week of May 2016 the NISS confiscated the independent daily Al-Jareeda newspaper five times without giving any official reason.[34] Printed copies of the newspaper were confiscated by the NISS on 9 and 10 May 2016. The newspaper was allowed to publish on 11 May 2016, before daily issues were confiscated again on 12 and 13 May 2016.

On 11 April 2016 the NISS took down copies of Alrahil newspaper, known as a “wall” newspaper in El Fashir, which has been printed and displayed for readers on the wall outside the home of its Chief Editor since 1995. Its’ Chief Editor, Ms. Awatif Ishag, was arrested and interrogated regarding an article she had published on the referendum process in Darfur.

 

Death Penalty

The death penalty, which is implemented by hanging in Sudan, is not restricted to the most serious of crimes.[35] The crime of apostasy – which itself should not constitute a crime under international law – carries the death penalty. Crimes against the state charges that carry the death penalty have been used increasingly often since 2011 to punish and silence political opposition party members and other activists who have criticized government policy. Since the last review the scope of application of the death penalty has been widened. The crime of apostasy has been broadened to include additional prohibited acts and a new crime of trafficking attracts the death penalty.

 

Freedom of religion

Increasing restrictions on religious freedoms have been documented since 2013, particularly targeting members of Christian churches in Sudan. In other cases, individuals have been targeting for expressing alternative views and visions of Islam, or incorporating ongoing political events into worship.

On 14 July 2016, Yousef Abdallah Abker, (m), 55 years of age and a religious scholar, was arrested by security agents in El Geneina, the capital of West Darfur state, in relation to a sermon he gave in early July. He was detained without charge.  Yousef Abdallah Abker was interrogated for criticising the government and the deteriorating security situation in Darfur during the Eid Ramadan sermon he gave on 6 July. In his sermon, Yousef Abdallah Abker condemned the government of Sudan for its inability to control the security situation in Darfur and for overlooking abuses committed by pro-government militias, including killings, rape and robbery. Mr. Abdallah Abker was denied access to a lawyer and medical treatment following his arrest.[36]

 

 

[1] Joint NGO Letter, “Sudan blocks civil society participation in UN-led human rights review”, 31 March 2016.

[2]  UN Human Rights Council Working Group on the UPR, “Draft report of the Working Group on the Sudan Universal Periodic Review”, May 2016.

[3] African Union High Level Implementation Panel on Sudan, “Statement on the AUHIP Cessation of Hostilities Negotiations”, 15 August 2016.

[4] Sudan Consortium, “Humanitarian Crisis in Sudan’s Two Areas and Darfur”, March 2015.

[5] National Human Rights Monitoring Organisation and Sudan Consortium, “Human Rights Update: May 2016”, August 2016.

[6] Radio Dabanga, “Govt. forces rape, wreak havoc in South Kordofan,” 23 February 2015,

[7] Coalition of NGOs, “Sudan: Joint Civil Society Statement regarding Sexual Violence in Conflict”, 20 June 2016.

[8] UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, “Sudan: Darfur Humanitarian Overview”, 1 June 2016.

[9] UN Security Council, “Letter dated 16 January 2015 from the Vice-Chair of the Security Council Committee established pursuant to resolution 1591 (2005) concerning the Sudan addressed to the President of the Security Council”, 19 January 2015.

[10] Ibid.

[11] “Statement by the United Nations Independent Expert on the situation of human rights in Sudan, Mr. Aristide Nononsi, at the end of his first mission to Sudan”, April 2016.

[12] Human Rights Watch, “Good Girls Don’t Protest’: Repression and Abuse of Women Human Rights Defenders, Activists, and Protesters in Sudan”, 23 March 2016.

[13] UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UN OCHA), “Humanitarian Bulletin Sudan, Issue 9”, 22 – 28 February 2016.

[14]  National Human Rights Monitoring Organisation and the Sudan Consortium, “Attacks on civilians in Southern Kordofan, Sudan 2011-2016”, September 2016.

[15] International Refugee Rights Initiative, “’No one on the earth cares if we survive except God and sometimes UNAMID’: the challenges of peacekeeping in Darfur”, June 2016.

[16] Human Rights Watch, “Men With No Mercy”, September 2015.

[17] UN Security Council, “Special report of the Secretary-General and the Chairperson of the African Union Commission on the African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur”, 8 June 2016.

[18] Human Rights Watch Dispatch, “Inaction on Darfur, Again”, 17 February 2016

[19] SUDO UK, “SUDO (UK) Statement on January Government Offensive in Jebel Marra”, 31 January 2016.

[20] Amnesty International, “Eight arrested, whereabouts unknown”, 8 August 2016.

[21]Amnesty International, “Eight students arrested, whereabouts unknown”, 9 May 2016

[22] African Centre for Justice and Peace Studies, “Sudan must protect civilians in West Darfur and reign in security forces after village burned and protestors lethally shot”, 14 January 2016.

[23] ACJPS, “West Darfur: One student dead after heavy beatings and serious concern for safety of another student detained incommunicado at security offices”, 8 February 2016.

[24] Amnesty International, “Sudan: Government must investigate brutal killing of 18-year old university student by intelligence agents”, 20 April 2016.

[25] 39 NGOs, “Open letter from 39 Sudanese NGOs and individuals concerning excessive use of force by Sudanese authorities”, 3 May 2016.

[26] Human Rights Watch, “Sudan: No Justice for Protest Killings”, 21 April 2014.

[27] African Centre for Justice and Peace Studies, “Protestors calling for justice for victims of 2013 protest killings beaten and detained by Sudan’s security agency in Khartoum”, 10 February 2016.

[28] Human Rights Watch, “Sudan: Students, Activists at Risk of Torture”, 25 May 2016.

[29] African Centre for Justice and Peace Studies, “Sudanese human rights defenders detained on baseless charges and others at risk after armed raid on Khartoum training centre”, 18 April 2015.

[30] African Centre for Justice and Peace Studies, “Sudan: TRACKs office once against raided and staff targeted by NISS”, 23 March 2016.

[31] Human Rights Watch, “Good Girls Don’t Protest,” March 23, 2016,

[32] Confederation of Sudanese Civil Society Organisations, “October – December 2015”, January 2016.

[33] ACJPS and the International Federation for Human Rights, “Oral Statement submitted under item 11: Activity report of the Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression and Access to Information in Africa”, 10 November 2015.

[34] ACJPS, “Independent Khartoum newspaper confiscated five times in one week, local Al Fashir paper’s editor harassed” 18 May 2016

[35] ACJPS, “The Wide Application of the Death Penalty in Sudan”, August 2016.

[36] Amnesty International, “Religious Scholar detained without charge”, 21 July 2016

Geneva, 8 September 2016

To Permanent Representatives of
Members and Observer States of the
UN Human Rights Council
 

RE: Addressing the escalating human rights crisis in Ethiopia

Your Excellency,

The undersigned civil society organisations write to draw your attention to grave violations of human rights in Ethiopia, including the recent crackdown on largely peaceful protests in the Oromia and Amhara regions.

As the UN Human Rights Council prepares to convene for its 33rd session between 13 – 30 September 2016, we urge your delegation to prioritise and address through joint and individual statements the escalating human rights crisis in Ethiopia.

An escalating human rights crisis in Oromia and Amhara Regions

The situation in Ethiopia has become increasingly unstable since security forces repeatedly fired upon protests in the Amhara and Oromia regions in August 2016. On 6 and 7 August alone, Amnesty International reported at least 100 killings and scores of arrests during protests that took place across multiple towns in both regions. Protesters had taken to the streets throughout the Amhara and Oromia regions to express discontent over the ruling party’s dominance in government affairs, the lack of rule of law, and grave human rights violations for which there has been no accountability.

Protests in the Amhara region began peacefully in Gondar a month ago and spread to other towns in the region. A protest in Bahir Dar, the region’s capital, on 7 August turned violent when security forces shot and killed at least 30 people. Recently, on 30 August, stay-at-home strikers took to the streets of Bahir Dar again and were violently dispersed by security forces. According to the Association for Human Rights in Ethiopia (AHRE), in the week of 29 August alone, security forces killed more than 70 protesters and injured many more in cities and towns across Northern Amhara region.

Since November 2015, Ethiopian security forces have routinely used excessive and unnecessary lethal force to disperse and suppress the largely peaceful protests in the Oromia region. The protesters, who originally advocated against the dispossession of land without adequate compensation under the government’s Addis Ababa Integrated Development Master Plan, have been subjected to widespread rights violations. According to international and national human rights groups, at least 500 demonstrators have been killed and hundreds have suffered bullet wounds and beatings by police and military during the protests.

Authorities have also arbitrarily arrested thousands of people throughout Oromia and Amhara during and after protests, including journalists and human rights defenders. Many of those detained are being held without charge and without access to family members or legal representation. Many of those who have been released report torture in detention. The continued use of unlawful force to repress the movement has broadened the grievances of the protesters to human rights and rule of law issues.

The need for international, independent, thorough, impartial and transparent investigations

Following the attacks by security forces on protesters in Oromia earlier this year, five UN Special Procedures issued a joint statement noting that “the sheer number of people killed and arrested suggests that the Government of Ethiopia views the citizens as a hindrance, rather than a partner”, and underlining that “Impunity … only perpetuates distrust, violence and more oppression”.

In response to the recent crackdown, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein, has called for “access for independent observers to the country to assess the human rights situation”. Ethiopia’s government, however, has rejected the call, instead indicating it would launch its own investigation. On 2 September, in a public media statement, the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights reiterated the UN High Commissioner’s call to allow a prompt and impartial investigation led by regional or international human rights bodies into the crackdown.

There are no effective avenues to pursue accountability for abuses given the lack of independence of the judiciary and legislative constraints. During the May 2015 general elections, the ruling EPRDF party won all 547 seats in the Ethiopian Parliament.

Ethiopia’s National Human Rights Commission, which has a mandate to investigate rights violations, has failed to make public its June report on the Oromia protests, while concluding in its oral report to Parliament that the lethal force used by security forces in Oromia was proportionate to the risk they faced from the protesters. The Global Alliance of National Human Rights Institutions has rated the Ethiopian National Human Rights Commission as B, meaning the latter has failed to meet fully the Paris Principles.

The High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs, Federica Mogherini, who met with Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn at the margins of the European Development Days in June 2016, has called on all parties to refrain from the use of force and for a constructive dialogue and engagement to take place without delay. On 28 August, after the EPRDF party’s general assembly, Prime Minister Hailemariam reportedly ordered the country’s military to take any appropriate measures to quell the protests, which he described as illegal and aimed at destabilising the nation. Following a similar call regarding the Oromia protests, security forces intensified the use of excessive force against protesters.

A highly restrictive environment for dialogue

Numerous human rights activists, journalists, opposition political party leaders and supporters have been arbitrarily arrested and detained. Since August 2016, four members of one of Ethiopia’s most prominent human rights organisations, the Human Rights Council (HRCO), were arrested and detained in the Amhara and Oromia regions. HRCO believes these arrests are related to the members’ monitoring and documentation of the crackdown of on-going protests in these regions.

Among those arrested since the protests began and still in detention are Colonel Demeke Zewdu (Member, Wolkait Identity Committee (WIC)), Getachew Ademe (Chairperson, WIC), Atalay Zafe (Member, WIC), Mebratu Getahun (Member, WIC), Alene Shama (Member, WIC), Addisu Serebe (Member, WIC), Bekele Gerba (Deputy Chair, Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC)), Dejene Tufa (Deputy General Secretary, OFC), Getachew Shiferaw (Editor-in-Chief of the online newspaper Negere Ethiopia), Yonathan Teressa (human rights defender) and Fikadu Mirkana (reporter with the state-owned Oromia Radio and TV). 


Prominent human rights experts and groups, including the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, have repeatedly condemned the highly restrictive legal framework in Ethiopia. The deliberate misuse of the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation’s overbroad and vague provisions to target journalists and activists has increased as protests have intensified. The law permits up to four months of pre-trial detention and prescribes long prison sentences for a range of activities protected under international human rights law. Dozens of human rights defenders as well as journalists, bloggers, peaceful demonstrators and opposition party members have been subjected to harassment and politically motivated prosecution under the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation, making Ethiopia one of the leading jailers of journalists in the world.

In addition, domestic civil society organisations are severely hindered by one of the most restrictive NGO laws in the world. Specifically, under the 2009 Charities and Societies Proclamation, the vast majority of Ethiopian organisations have been forced to stop working on human rights and governance issues, a matter of great concern that has been repeatedly raised in international forums including at Ethiopia’s Universal Periodic Review (UPR).

This restrictive and worsening environment underscores the limited avenues available for dialogue and accountability in the country. It is essential that the UN Human Rights Council take a strong position urging the Ethiopian government to immediately allow an international, thorough, independent, transparent and impartial investigation into alleged human rights abuses committed in the context of the government’s response to the largely peaceful protests.

As a member – and Vice-President – of the Human Rights Council, Ethiopia has an obligation to “uphold the highest standards” of human rights, and “fully cooperate” with the Council and its mechanisms (GA Resolution 60/251, OP 9). Yet for the past ten years, it has consistently failed to accept country visit requests by numerous Special Procedures.

During the upcoming 33rd session of the Human Rights Council, we urge your delegation to make joint and individual statements reinforcing and building upon the expressions of concern by the High Commissioner, UN Special Procedures, and others.

Specifically, the undersigned organisations request your delegation to urge Ethiopia to:

1. immediately cease the use of excessive and unnecessary lethal force by security forces against protesters in Oromia and Amhara regions and elsewhere in Ethiopia;
2. immediately and unconditionally release journalists, human rights defenders, political opposition leaders and members as well as protesters arbitrarily detained during and in the aftermath of the protests;
3. respond favourably to country visit requests by UN Special Procedures;
4. urgently allow access to an international, thorough, independent, impartial and transparent investigation into all of the deaths resulting from alleged excessive use of force by the security forces, and other violations of human rights in the context of the protests;
5. ensure that those responsible for human rights violations are prosecuted in proceedings which comply with international law and standards on fair trials and without resort to the death penalty; and
6. fully comply with its international legal obligations and commitments including under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, and its own Constitution.

Amnesty International
Association for Human Rights in Ethiopia
CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation
Civil Rights Defenders
DefendDefenders (East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project)
Ethiopian Human Rights Project
FIDH (International Federation for Human Rights)
Foundation for Human Rights Initiative
Freedom House
Front Line Defenders
Global Center for the Responsibility to Protect
Human Rights Watch
International Service for Human Rights
Reporters Without Borders
World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT)

Thérèse, a 14-year-old in the Central African Republic, probably doesn’t know that defense ministers from around the globe will meet in London on Thursday this week to discuss United Nations peacekeeping. But she has a stake in what happens there.

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A United Nations peacekeeper stands alongside a road near the refugee camp of Saint Sauveur, in the Central African Republic capital, Bangui, November 29, 2015.

© 2015 Reuters

Thérèse was one of eight girls and women who told Human Rights Watch peacekeepers raped them in the eastern town of Bambari. Thérèse described how a peacekeeper grabbed her as she passed a UN base. “We walked for a while,” she said. “Then he ripped off my clothes and used them to tie my hands behind my back. He threw me on the ground, placed his gun to the side, and got on top of me to rape me. When he was done, he just left.”

Thérèse is one of many survivors of such abuses. The UN’s oversight agency received 480 allegations of sexual exploitation and abuse by peacekeepers between 2008 and 2013. At least 102 allegations were made against UN peacekeepers in Haiti since 2007.

UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon pledged reforms following a scathing independent report citing UN failures in handling peacekeeper abuse. In the Central African Republic, some troops have been sent home, at least in part due to allegations of abuses, and UN and national teams launched investigations. Prosecutions began of some peacekeepers from the Democratic Republic of Congo, accused of sexual abuse in Central African Republic, though there have been no convictions.

All too often when peacekeepers hurt those they are meant to protect, victims get little support or justice. Only troop-contributing countries can prosecute their own forces. Prosecutions and convictions are disturbingly rare, and information on their status hard to come by. According to Secretary-General Ban’s 2015 annual report on sexual exploitation and abuse, troop-contributing countries confirmed punishment of peacekeepers in only 10 cases.

Ministers meeting in London can address gaps in the system by requiring, as a precondition for participation, commitments from troop-contributing countries to hold their peacekeepers to account. Countries who don’t follow through should be suspended from sending peacekeepers.

More should also be done to prevent abuses. Ministers should commit to stronger screening mechanisms to weed out soldiers and police with histories of abuse, and require military forces on UN watchlists for sexual violence and abuse of children in conflict to meet benchmarks towards changing their standing. Standardized training on human rights obligations, and consequences of violating them, should be mandatory for all troops before and during deployment.

At last year’s peacekeeping summit, the US – UN peacekeeping’s biggest financial contributor – said it was committed to reform, including accountability for abuses. It’s time such pledges yield progress.

The UN relies on more than 100,000 peacekeepers to protect civilians in places torn apart by conflict. Failure of UN and troop-contributing countries to take all measures to prevent and punish abuses by these troops is unconscionable, and undermines the very idea of peacekeeping. And survivors know this. As Thérèse said of her rapist, “There should be some justice done to this man."

Zimbabwe’s President Robert Mugabe returned to Harare this week from an unexplained trip to the United Arab Emirates that triggered widespread speculation about his health, and even rumors that he had died. 

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Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe arrives home from abroad at the capital's main airport in Harare, Zimbabwe, September 3, 2016. 

© 2016 Reuters

But on arrival, he put rumors to rest as he addressed the ruling ZANU-PF party’s youth league and launched a blistering verbal attack on the country’s judiciary. In apparent reference to a High Court decision to allow 18 opposition political parties that are calling for electoral reforms to conduct a protest in late August, Mugabe said: “They [the judges] dare not be negligent in their decisions when requests are made by people who want to demonstrate.” He claimed the judges gave permission in “full knowledge” that the protests could be violent, and said their decision was taken in “disregard to the peace of this country.”

This is not the first time Mugabe has attempted to interfere with the judiciary. In 2000, after judges ruled that the government’s controversial land reform program was unlawful, Mugabe called the judges guardians of “white racist commercial farmers.” In 2005, when High Court Justice Tendai Uchena ruled that Roy Bennet, a jailed opposition member of parliament, was eligible to contest the upcoming elections from prison, Mugabe described the decision as “stupid.” Justice Uchena subsequently reversed his own judgment and barred Bennet from participating in elections. 

Mugabe’s government has also undermined Zimbabwe’s judiciary by disregarding High Court orders, and making frequent public statements attacking both the judiciary in general as well as individual judges.

His latest comments not only seem intended to have a chilling effect on judges – who will think twice before making similar rulings in the future – but appear to tacitly endorse the actions of the police who on August 26, 2016 violently cracked down on the peaceful protests. His statements also undermine Zimbabwe’s international human rights law obligations to respect due process and judicial independence under the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, both of which Zimbabwe has ratified.

Mugabe needs to stop interfering in the judiciary’s independence, so that the courts can play their crucial role in a democratic society. Zimbabweans have the right to peaceful protest and expressing their views, and judges should not be constrained in enforcing those rights.

A selection of the best photos from across Africa this week.

September 8, 2016 (JUBA) – United States top envoys for South Sudan have issued conflicting statements on whether the South Sudanese former First Vice President, Riek Machar, should reclaim his position or not in the transitional government of national which was formed as a result of a peace agreement he signed with President Salva Kiir in August last year. The deal was to end 21 months of civil war.

Former U.S. special envoy for Sudan Princeton Lyman (Reuters)

Ambassador Donald Booth, U.S envoy to Sudan and South Sudan told a U.S. House of Representative during a hearing held on Wednesday that it was “not wise” to return Machar to his previous position as First Vice President after he was chased out of the country by President Salva Kiir's forces.

"Given all that has happened, we do not believe it would be wise for Machar to return to his previous position in Juba," said Booth.

"But this cannot become a justification for President Kiir to monopolize power and stifle dissenting political voices," he told the House Foreign Affairs Committee's Africa Subcommittee.

But Princeton N. Lyman, senior advisor to the U.S. president, described the idea to cut off Machar from the government as “illusion.” He made the remarks while testifying on the South Sudan's situation before the House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights and International Organization.

“It would similarly be an illusion to think that with the exile of former Vice President Riek Machar, and his replacement by Taban Deng Gai, we now have a true government of national unity that can unite the country,” Lyman said.

He said Gai who replaced Machar in a controversial process does not control the opposition forces in the country, adding that fighting is ongoing across the country.

“Taban Deng does not command the loyalty of all those forces that have been fighting the government of Salva Kiir. Without broad-based participation in a transitional government, conflict will surely continue. Indeed conflict continues now in several parts of the country,” he said.

He also warned that the conflicting messages further divide the United Nations Security Council, IGAD and the African Union, warning that with the current situation, peace will not be achieved in South Sudan.

“The UN Security Council (UNSC) is hamstrung by the divisions within IGAD and the African Union. There is a useful adage that applies here: when the Africans are divided, the UNSC will be divided. Without a strong call from IGAD or the African Union for an arms embargo or further pressures on the leaders of South Sudan, the UNSC will divide. Moreover, any arms embargo or other sanctions would have to be implemented by these same neighboring countries. If they are not so committed, even if the UNSC passed such measures, they would not be implemented,” he said.

RIVAL PARTIES REACT

Meanwhile, South Sudan government under President Salva Kiir has quickly welcomed the remarks attributed to the U.S. envoy, Booth, indicating preference for the armed opposition leader and the former first vice president, Riek Machar, to stay away from participating in unity government.

“Working relations is very important. If you are working with someone with whom you have no better working relationship then it is difficult to even convene a meeting. You cannot do anything. So it is important that our friends from the United States are showing an understanding,” presidential Advisor, Tor Deng Mawien told Sudan Tribune on Wednesday.

“We welcome these positive remarks. We are also expecting others to show similar understanding. The people of South Sudan need the world to stand with the transitional government of national unity to implement the peace agreement,” he said.

He claimed that President Kiir and his government are fully committed to implementing the agreement with the new first vice president, Taban Deng Gai, to “the spirit and letter.”

Booth's remarks have been interpreted by government officials as clearly indicating the U.S. acceptance of Taban Deng Gai as the First Vice-President after the US secretary of state, John Kerry, said in August that Machar's replacement was not illegal.

The opposition faction led by Machar commended the statement by the U.S. advisor to the president, Lyman, for understanding the importance of maintaining a peace partner and leader of the armed opposition, Machar, in order for peace to hold.

“Those who think replacing the main peace partner, Dr. Riek Machar, with someone who will surrender to Salva Kiir's dictatorship and violence are admitting their failure to help change such a bad leadership. They are surrendering to the status quo. Succumbing to dictatorship, corruption and violence is a bad cooperation. It is a bad idea because tt will not do good to the people of South Sudan,” said James Gatdet Dak, spokesman for the opposition leader, Machar.

He also said Machar is in full control of the co-national army known as the SPLA in Opposition, as well as leading its political wing, the SPLM-IO.

He said removing the SPLM-IO party and the SPLA-IO army from the peace agreement and its transitional government is an admission that the peace deal has collapsed.

(ST)

September 8, 2016 (KHARTOUM) - Arab League (AL) Ministerial Council on Thursday has unanimously elected the Sudanese Internationals Cooperation Minister Kamal Hassan Ali as Assistant Secretary General of the regional organization.

International cooperation minister Kamaleldin Hassan (SUNA photo)

In press statement released on Thursday, Sudanese Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ibrahim Ghanodur, welcomed Hassan's election, saying it indicates the return of long-time isolated east African country to leading roles in regional and international organizations.

"The election of Kamal Hassan Ali shows Sudan's strong return to the leadership of regional and international organizations. also it reflects the outstanding role the Sudan is playing in the various arenas,'' said Ghandour.

Since Sudan involvement's in an attempt to assassinate former President Hosni Mubarak in June 1995, the government of President Bashir had been isolated for long years within the Arab league. Also it ultimately led to the end of the strong alliance between Cairo and Khartoum.

However, Khartoum recent efforts to end its relations with Iran and the relative amelioration in its relations with some European countries contributed to improve its image.

"The election of the Sudanese candidate reflects the distinguished role of the Sudanese diplomacy and its ability to play a leading role in the different forums, especially in light of the current challenges," said Sudan's Ambassador to Cairo and its representative to Arab League, Abdel-Mahmoud Abdel-Haleim.

The meeting of Arab foreign ministers in addition endorsed a draft resolution ssupporting Khartoum's efforts to promote peace and development and rejects the US unilateral economic sanctions against Sudan, said Abdel Haleim .

According to Abdel Haleim; Sudan has been also elected as a member in AL external offices committee, and recovery of cultural and historical treasures committee.

Kamal Hassan Ali, current minister for international cooperation, will occupy his new position during five years.

Previously he severed as a state minister for foreign affairs, Sudan's ambassador to Egypt.

(ST)

September 8, 2016 (WAU) – Authorities in South Sudan's Wau state have resolved that the United Nations peace keeping forces be allowed to conduct joint security patrols in town.

UN peacekeepers in South Sudan with one of their helicopters (UNMISS)

The state minister for law enforcement, Angelina Anthony Ubur, said the operation will protect sheltering at the UN protection sites and those in homes.

The UN, the minister said, formed a security committee that would patrol inside the UN, Red Cross and protection sides.

“We have also reached an understanding ground with the faith groups since the state government stands to maintain peace and reconciliation to start advocating for peace everywhere during their prayers,” said Ubur.

“We have reached an agreement that the UNMISS will be in a patrol operation, but the operation will be in all areas, UNMISS and the joint security forces will in the operation together during day time,” she added.

According to the minister, the move to involve UN peacekeepers follows the rising security threats in Wau.

“We are seeing that the current situation is good and will lead the citizens to return homes because these operations will start in the southern part of the town,” she stressed.

Meanwhile the minister said despite absence of clean water supply in Wau town, government was working hard to secure enough fuel to pump it.

(ST)

September 8, 2016 (TORIT) - Over 50 local artists in Imatong, one of South Sudan's newly-created states, have resolved to form a new union to steer peace and unity among citizens across the state.

Musicians performing in Jonglei capital Bor on September 6, 2015 (ST)

The artists, after nearly five hours of deliberations, elected Patrick Ohucoli as the new chairperson of Imatong State Artist Union (ISAU).

Speaking shortly after he was elected, Ohucoli promised to work hard to create peace and unity amongst all the artists within the state and the visiting partners from sisterly states and across borders.

He proposed that a concert be held every year to that the upcoming singers are promoted by those already in the industry.

The director-general in the state ministry of information, culture, youth and sports, Wani Kute Joseph assured the artists that government was working hard to resolve challenges facing artists.

He said the newly formed association of artists would make it easier for local musicians get support from donors and partners in the state.

“The organization will seek to develop unique talents and link artists beyond Torit and South Sudan borders,” said the director general.

Jacky Miss, a local artist, said the organisation will promote local events, facilitate interactive activities to keep youth off the street.

“It will most importantly create links between artists in Torit and South Sudan state capitals as well as the national town of Juba,” she said.

The new body, its officials said, will mainly organize events such as Miss Malaika, Talent Search and help stage Karaoke nights.

(ST)

September 8, 2016 (JUBA) – The United Nations peacekeeping mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) said activists were being harassed following a meeting they held with the UN Security Council delegation in the capital, Juba.

South Sudanese people take to the streets as part of a peace march organised by civil society groups in the capital, Juba, on 8 January 2014 (Photo AP/Ali Ngethi)

15 members of the Security Council members led by the United States permanent representatives to the UN, Samantha Power visited the South Sudan capital last week to persuade the Juba government into accepting the deployment of regional troops to facilitate implementation of last year's peace deal.

The Security Council team also held talks with civil society activists.

“The United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) is deeply concerned by reports it has received of threats and harassment against some civil society members who met with the United Nations Security Council delegation during their most recent visit to Juba last weekend,” UNMISS said in a statement on Thursday.

“These reported actions are in violation of the rights to freedom of expression, movement and civil and political engagement, which are fundamental pillars of a democratic society. Any attempt to suppress these rights through threats and harassment must be condemned in no uncertain terms,” it added, without details.

According to UN mission, the meeting between the Security Council team and activists “was an opportunity for an open dialogue with a view to gaining greater understanding of some of the issues and concerns faced by South Sudanese citizens at the grassroots level.”

Such forms of intimidation, it further said in the statement, should cease and vowed to raise activists' safety with South Sudanese government officials.

Members of the United Nations Security Council on Monday wrapped up a three-day visit to South Sudan and reiterated its support for the country's peace process with calls for the Juba government to fulfill what was agreed upon in a joint communiqué.

ACTIVIST SPEAKS OUT

South Sudanese security agents are reportedly hunting for members of civil society entities and other activists believed to have attended a meeting with the Security Council delegation during their recent visit to Juba.

“I have been on the run since Monday. The security personnel have been calling me to report to their headquarters because I was one of those who attended meeting of the delegation of the security council of the United Nations. They are saying we have betrayed the country by failing to say what they have told us to tell the Security Council. They wanted us to tell members of the Security Council that we reject deployment of protection force”, an activist told Sudan Tribune Wednesday.

“my life and that of my colleagues is under threat. We are in danger of unknown gunmen. We don't what to do now? They are threatening us and even our family members to trace us”, he added.

(ST)

September 7, 2016 (KHARTOUM) - Sudan, Chad and Central African Republic (CAR) leaders held talks on Wednesday over the deployment of joint border monitoring units.

Joint Sudanese-Chadian border patrol forces in trucks (FILE)

The meeting was held in the capital of North Darfur state El Fasher were on the sidelines of the celebrations to mark the completion of Darfur Document for Peace in Darfur attended.

Sudanese Government Spokesperson Ahmed al-Balal, in a press statement Wednesday, said that Presidents Omer al-Bashir, Idriss Déby and Faustin Archange Touadér discussed the implementation of the Sudanese-Chadian experience with the Central African Republic through the deployment of joint forces on the CAR borders with Chad and Sudan.

“The Sudanese Chadian experience has proven its success,” he added.

Al-Balal said that Bashir and Deby reiterated their support to CAR's efforts to promote security and stability in the region. He further said that the tripartite meeting touched on the situation in Central African Republic and ways to achieve security and stability on its borders.

In the past years, the CAR governments discussed ways to join Chad-Sudan joint border patrols with the two countries but the political instability in Bangui prevented the poor country from joining this force.

Sudan and Chad established the joint border monitoring force in 2010 following political agreement between Presidents Bashir and Deby. Its initial purpose was to prevent cross border attacks by rebel groups from both sides.

(ST)

September 8, 2016 (JUBA) – The UK is to expand its contribution to the United Nations peacekeeping force in South Sudan, raising the planned total from 300 to 400, defense secretary, Michael Fallon said.

British troops in a parade (Getty Images)

The British troops heading to the world's newest country will join a 12,000-strong UN force from 50 nations already on the ground.

Once in young nation, the deployment will more than double the UK's global peacekeeping efforts, Fallon said in a statement.

The additional UK personnel, it said, will enable the provision of a field hospital, supporting deployed UK and other UN peacekeepers.

“This large scale deployment underlines how we are stepping up our global commitments,” observed the UK defence minister.

“Backed by a rising defence budget, its part of our effort to tackle the instability that leads to mass migration and terrorism. It will help keep Britain safe while improving lives abroad,” he stressed.

The recent UK role in South Sudan has involved vital engineering work to strengthen infrastructure – provided by two engineer squadron groups – and is in addition to longstanding advisory support to the UN Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) headquarters.

The first UK personnel arrived in the world's youngest nation in June, and the main body deployment is expected in country next year.

Britain's commitment comes in the wake an approval by the African Union to deploy protection forces with the aim of restoring peace and stability in and around the South Sudanese capital, Juba.

South Sudan, the world's youngest nation, descended into violence in mid-December 2013, leaving estimated tens of thousands dead and displaced nearly two million people, aid agencies say.

Meanwhile, apart from its contribution to UNMISS, the UK is also backing a UN mission in Somalia to ensure security against terrorism threat.

(ST)

September 8, 2016 (YAMBIO) – The staff of the World Vision International was shot dead together with his wife and two children by unknown gunmen last night in Yambio, Western Equatoria. Also injured was a pregnant woman in a separate house while the house of the Member of Parliament in the newly created controversial Gbudue State came under attack the same night.

Non-food items distributing to IDPS by the UNHCR workers in Maridi on 4 March 2016 (ST Photo)

Speaking to the media, a Crime Officer in Yambio county, First Lieutenant Emmanuel Fidel, said unknown gunmen stormed the house of late Silivinio Caciano and shot him with his wife Josephine Nako John and also killed two children in the other bed room at around 12:00am on Tuesday night.

“What happened last night at around 12:00 am is that unknown gunmen attacked the house of late Silivinio Casiano and killed him with his wife Josephina Nako John and their two children in a separate bed room,” he said.

Emmanuel added that it remained unclear as to what motive was behind the killings for the last one week as the attackers are not interested in properties but to kill. He said the same incident happened when a boda-boda [motorbike] rider was killed over the weekend in Yambio Freedom Square. A Medicines San frontier (MSF) driver who was also killed with his wife on Bazungua road and no property was taken.

Meanwhile, across Yambio town the house of a Member of Parliament in the newly created Gbudue State Legislative Assembly called Joseph Tindiri came under attack the same night where heavy gunshots were heard and hand grenade was exploded but nobody was injured and no property was stolen except destruction of some properties and vehicles.

Joseph said unidentified people were seen several times at late hours near his house, harassing people. He added that he however did not have any personal problem with anyone which could lead to some unknown gunmen targeting him.

“I will not go to exile, I am a South Sudanese and this is where I was born. I will not go anywhere because I have no problem with anyone I will stay in my house and God will protect me,” he said.

The Government of Gbudue State has launched an investigation into the killing of the aid worker with his family and the rampart increase in insecurity in Yambio town. No arrest has been made so far.

On Tuesday, the state government issued an order banning boda-boda business as from 9pm up to 6 am in the morning as efforts have been exerted to allow the security personnel to hunt the criminals who are targeting civilians and boda-boda riders on the road.

Citizens in Yambio continue to live in fear due to the increasing insecurity which has created panic among the people as no one knows when and how the unknown gunmen may attack.

Some counties in Western Equatoria experienced brutal killings from unknown gunmen which emerged when violent conflict erupted between armed youth and soldiers belonging to the South Sudanese army since last year.

The violence however briefly subsided with signing of a peace agreement between the youth fighters of the South Sudan National Liberation Movement in Gangura payam, but other armed youths remain in the bushes claiming to be under the opposition faction of SPLA-IO under the leadership of former First Vice President, Riek Machar.

(ST)