Africa

Amid growing tensions and increasing despair among South Sudan’s population, United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon today warned that the international community’s failure to act now could put the country on a trajectory towards mass atrocities.

United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon today commended decisions by a bloc of West African countries to take all necessary actions to enforce the outcome of the presidential election in Gambia, guarantee the protection of President-elect Adama Barrow, and attend the new leader’s inauguration ceremony on 19 January 2017.

Raising alarm over “double standards” applied by the authorities in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) – allowing pro-government youths to conduct public political activities while repressing dissenting voices – a group of United Nations rights experts today called on the Government to end the “targeted repression” and to guarantee conditions that allow fundamental rights and freedoms to be exercised peacefully.

Following a major measles outbreak in Somalia, the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and its partners supported a swift delivery of 55,000 doses of measles vaccine to Kismayo along with Vitamin A supplementation to boost the immunity of the some 54,000 children under the age of 10 that are expected to be vaccinated.

December 18, 2016 (KHARTOUM) - South Sudanese Petroleum Minister Ezekiel Lol Gatkouth Sunday arrived in Khartoum for talks with his Sudanese counterpart on the oil transit fees, as result of the collapse of oil prices.

In August 2013, South Sudan agreed to pay to Khartoum $9.10 for the oil produced in Upper Nile state and $11 for that of Unity region. Also Juba agreed to pay the Transitional Financial Assistance (TFA) to the average of the agreed oil transportation fees.

Despite the rise in oil prices recently to over $54 for the barrel, they remain far from the over 100 dollar per barrel when the two countries signed the oil deal in 2013.

Leading a delegation including officials from South Sudan central bank, finance and oil ministry, and the Nilepet, Gatkouth is expected to sign an new agreement Monday.

The official news agency SUNA reported that oil Minister Mohamed Zayed Awad held a meeting with the visiting minster to discuss the renewal of the oil agreement which will expire by the end of the year.

The visit comes after a meeting of joint technical committees chaired by the undersecretaries of oil ministries in the two countries on the review of oil fees to cope with the falling oil prices.

Minister Awad said his ministry is willing to provide Juba with all the data related to oil blocks in South Sudan. Also, he reiterated readiness to train South Sudanese oil workers.

According to SUNA, Gatkouth called to strengthen joint cooperation as they plan to resume oil production in the Unity region outside Bentinu. He added that such cooperation will benefit to the two countries.

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December 18, 2016 (PRETORIA/NAIROBI)- South Sudan rebel leader, Riek Machar has rejected President Salva Kiir's call for national dialogue in the war-torn nation, describing the move as “bogus”.

First Vice-President Riek Machar (L) and President Salva Kiir (R) listen to the national anthem following a ceremony during which Machar was sworn in on April 26, 2016. (Phot AFP/Samir Bol)

In an interview with the Associated Press (AP) from South Africa, Machar said there must be peace talks to end the civil war before any such dialogue, as announced by the president, takes place.

Last week, President Kiir announced an inclusive dialogue which he says will be led by “eminent personalities” accepted as credible, genuine and trusted by all rival parties in the young nation.

Addressing members of South Sudan's Parliament in the capital, Juba Wednesday, President Kiir asked for forgiveness for all the wrongs he could have committed.

"National dialogue in my view is both a forum and process through which the people of South Sudan can gather to redefine the basis of their unity as it relates to nationhood, and sense of belonging," said the South Sudan leader.

"In the light of national endeavor, I am calling upon all of you to forgive one another, enter dialogue with one another in your personal capacities, embrace yourself," he added.

However, although the South Sudanese leader did not mention Machar's name in the speech, he insisted that armed groups opposed to his government will be represented at grassroots level.

Tens of thousands have been killed in South Sudan's civil war, and more than a million refugees have fled the country. The United Nations recently warned that South Sudan is at risk of genocide as fighting escalates in the southern Equatoria region of the country.

DIALOGUE WELCOMED

Meanwhile, South Sudan's former political detainees have welcomed President Kiir's “belated” call for a national dialogue.

“We are happy that he has finally listened to the yearning of the people of South Sudan for dialogue and broader engagement to resolve the current conflict, heal and reconcile our nation,” Kosti Manibe, a member of the ex-detainees, said in a release.

He said meaningful dialogue will be possible if, and only if, certain principles are adhered to as has been suggested by many experts and those concerned South Sudan's current situation, citing transparency and public participation; credibility of the convener (preferably an institution with political and moral clout); the agenda to address the root causes of the conflict; clear mandate that appropriately tackles structure, rules and procedures; and agreed objectives and outcome of the dialogue.

“We encourage all the political actors and stakeholders to come up with their view on the dialogue being proposed,” said Kosti.

“In the end, our objective is to pull our country out of the present quagmire and put it back on the track of state and nation building on new basis,” he added.

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December 18, 2016 (KHARTOUM) - Several Sudanese officials have downplayed the December 19th civil disobedience describing the general strike as “big zero” and “nonsense”.

Large segments of the Sudanese people have engaged in a three-day civil disobedience act from 27 to 29 November to protest the recent austerity measures and the lack of freedoms.

Activists have launched a wide electronic campaign to mobilize the Sudanese to engage in a second civil disobedience action on December 19th.

Opposition forces and armed groups expressed support for the general strike and called upon their affiliates to play an active role to ensure its success.

Last week, President Omer al-Bashir said his government wouldn't be overthrown by the “WhatsApp”, pointing he wouldn't hand over the country to the activists who hide behind the “keyboards”.

Sudan's Presidential Assistant and Deputy Chairman of the ruling party Ibrahim Mahmoud told reporters Sunday that “the outcome of the previous call for civil disobedience was zero and the upcoming one would be a big zero”.

He denied that his government is holding any political detainees, but he was so quick to say “that is not part of my job”.

Commenting on the recent crackdown on the press, Hamid said the authorities have the right to take all the necessary measures to maintain the security and stability if there is any security threat to the country.

The National Intelligence and Security Services (NISS) has recently intensified crackdown on newspapers for publishing news reports and articles on the nationwide civil disobedience act which took place between 27 and 29 November. During the last three weeks, it seized copies of various dailies 23 times.

Also, the NISS launched a large arrest campaign and detained more than 40 opposition figures from the Sudanese Congress Party (SCoP) , National Umma Party (NUP), Sudanese Communist Party (SCP), Arab Ba'ath Party, National Alliance Forces (NAF) as well as civil society activists and journalists.

Meanwhile, vice-president Hassabo Mohamed Abdel-Rahman said the civil disobedience “wouldn't achieve anything”, calling on the youth to launch an electronic media campaign to increase production in the country.

Abdel-Rahman, who addressed the program “Youth for Production” in Khartoum on Sunday, said true independence is to achieve national will and self-sufficiency, sending a message to who he called the “saboteurs” saying you “won't be able to break our will”.

For his part, the chairman of the Liberation and Justice Party (LJP) party and Health Minister, Bahar Idris Abu Garda, has criticized the opposition forces who supported the civil disobedience call, saying they are “unserious and have no political alternative”.

Commenting on the National Umma Party's (NUP) support for the general strike, the former Darfur rebel leader told reporters on Sunday that “al-Sadiq al-Mahdi has no alternative political project”, saying any person has the right to oppose or change the government through the “legitimate means”.

He called on the opposition to lay out its alternative programme first and then call for general strike, saying “any civil disobedience without an alternative programme is doomed to fail”.

On the other hand, the leader of the rebel Sudan people's liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N) Malik Agar on Sunday released a short audio message where he calls on the Sudanese army and other regular forces to stand by the sudanese people and to join the general strike.

DETENTION CAMPAIGN CONTINUES

Meanwhile, the opposition forces have announced more detentions among its members across the country as the date of the civil disobedience approaches.

The Sudanese Communist Party (SCP) on Sunday said the NISS arrested a number of its members in various parts of Sudan including Ahmed Hassan Ahmed in the White Nile state, Zaki Masour and Ahmed Bort in Atbara, River Nile state, Mohamed Koko and Mohanad Ramadan in Khartoum East and Mohamed Al-Tayeb in the Gazeera state.

It added the NISS has also summoned Zaineb Ahmed Abdel-Bagi, Kamal Mohamed Al-Ni'ma, Hamad Kashar and al-Amin Maarouf to its headquarters in Al-Managel, Gazeera state.

Also, the National Umma Party (NUP) on Sunday said the NISS detained its member Aymen Hamad Bakr in Al-Obayyed, North Kordofan state.

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By Tesfa-Alem Tekle

December 18,2016 (ADDIS ABABA) - Ethiopian authorities said on Saturday that thousands of suspects arrested under the state of emergency decree would be freed.

Demonstrators chant slogans while flashing the Oromo protest gesture during Irreecha, the thanksgiving festival of the Oromo people, in Bishoftu town, Oromia region, Ethiopia, October 2, 2016 (Reuters Photo)

Ethiopia declared a state decree last October after anti-government protests that sparked in Oromia region over territorial, political and economic rights turned violent claiming hundreds of lives.

The command post tasked to oversee the implementation of the six-month long state emergency announced that a total of 9,800 detainees will be freed on Wednesday next week.

Those to be freed next week are among the 11,607 suspects jailed in the first round measures taken following the imposed state decree.

It said the detainees had received training ahead of planned release from detention.

At a press briefing he gave to local journalists, Ethiopian defense minster and Secretariat of the command post, Siraj Figesa, however said 2,449 individuals suspected to have been responsible in inciting and spreading the violence will come before court.

The minister further said that an additional 12,500 suspects have been arrested in second round measures which Sudan Tribune understands would bring the total figure of suspects arrested after the decree to over 24,000.

However Siraj said those second round detainees will be released after completing training might face justice based on criminal roles they had.

He added that the command post has detained 19 groups of mobsters who had been at the forefront in escalating the violence.

Since last year the horn of Africa's nation had been engulfed by unprecedented wave of violent unrest which killed at least 500 people.

The state emergency imposed in a bid to contain the violence has among others led to restrictions on movement of both citizens and diplomats, ban on internet, social medias and some news outlets.

A new report released this week based on a research conducted jointly by Amnesty international and Open Observatory Network Interference revealed that Ethiopian government has blocked access to WhatsApp and to at least 16 news outlets between June and October while tensions strain in the Oromia region.

The report added that Ethiopia's move to block social media as well as news outlet's was "illegal" and further expressed concern that the censorship might become institutionalized under the state decree.

The state emergency, country's first in about quarter a century has also gave police power to arrest and to search anyone's home without court authorization.

Last week, Ethiopia partially lifted ban on internet and access to social media.

The minister said the country has put in place a system to control individuals who attempt to incite violence via mobile internet service.

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December 18, 2016 (JUBA)- The South Sudanese army (SPLA) chief of staff, General Paul Malong Awan has downplayed fears of impending genocide, describing it a work of anti-peace elements.

President Salva Kiir, (L), accompanied by army chief of staff Paul Malong Awan, (R), waves during an independence day ceremony in the capital Juba, on July 9, 2015 (Photo AP)

He said this on Friday during a military function where several military officers, who underwent training, were passed at the general headquarters in Juba.

“We are all Equal people in South Sudan, and there is nobody who is superior to others in South Sudan, we should not do things based on tribal basis, because anybody can be a leader of this country”, he said, adding that the country belongs to all the 64 tribes of South Sudan.

He cited General Joseph Lagu and Genral Gismalla Abdalla Rasas as some of the leaders who served because of the leadership abilities, but not their tribal affiliations.

The general also stressed the need to respect rules and laws of the country.

“We as South Sudanese should respect the rule of law and work for the future generation; our times have or will soon come for us to leave the power to you. You the graduates of today will be the leaders of tomorrow, so you must show good example to the people of South Sudan by doing the right things all the time regardless of where you are coming from”, he explained.

Last month, the United Nations special advisor on genocide, Adama Dieng warned that the South Sudan violence risks spiraling into genocide, urging the world body and the international community investigate grave human rights abuses in the nation.

South Sudan has been riven by ethnic violence since the eruption of armed conflict between troops loyal to President Salva Kiir and forces supporting Riek Machar in December 2013 .

A peace agreement was signed in August 2015, but violence has resumed in different parts of the country since July 2016. Tens of thousands have been killed and millions displaced.

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December 18, 2016 (KHARTOUM) - Sudan's ruling National Congress Party (NCP) Sunday said the Higher Coordination Committee to Follow Up on the Implementation of the Dialogue Outcome has approved the constitutional amendments.

Members of the national dialogue general assembly and President Omer al-Bashir attend the third session of the internal process in Khartoum on August 20, 2015 (Photo AFP/Ashraf Shazly)

On October 25th, Sudanese presidency deposited new amendments to the 2005 transitional constitution with the parliament, which allow to introduce a Prime Minister post, increase the number of national MPs and adopt the name of the Government of National Concord.

NCP deputy chairman and presidential assistant Ibrahim Mahmoud Hamid on Sunday said the endorsement of the new amendments by the committee is considered a first step toward the implementation of the National Document.

For his part, member of the committee and chairman of the Federal Truth Party (FTP) Fadl al-Sid Shuaib said the powers of the Prime Minister include the approval of the policies and initiation of the budget.

He demanded that the Prime Minister should be given the full power to appoint the government and present it to the president for final approval contrary to what has been stated on the amendments endorsed by the committee.

Shuaib denied that the new amendments have concentrated power in the president's hands, saying the latter's powers are already provided for in the 2005 constitution.
Meanwhile, the chairman of the Liberation and Justice Party (LJP) party, Bahar Idris Abu Garda, has announced his party's preliminary approval of the amendments, saying it is an urgent issue.

Also, the chairman of the deputy parliament speaker and head of the emergency committee for constitutional amendments Badria Sulieman said the studied all amendments recommended by the dialogue committees, stressing the need to amend the provision pertaining to temporary decrees to enable participation of the new MPs.

Since January 2014, Sudan's President Omer al-Bashir has been leading a national dialogue process whose stated aims are to resolve the armed conflicts, achieve political freedoms, alleviate poverty and the economic crisis, and address the national identity crisis.

Last October, the political forces participating at the national dialogue concluded the process by signing the National Document which includes the general features of a future constitution to be finalized by transitional institutions.

The opposition groups boycotted the process because the government didn't agree on humanitarian truce with the armed groups and due to its refusal to implement a number of confidence building measures.

By Tesfa-Alem Tekle

December 18, 2016 (ADDIS ABABA) –A Saudi High-level delegation Saturday concluded visit in Ethiopia where it held talks with the premier and other ministers on a range of bilateral issues.

The Saudi high level delegation led by Ahmed Alkhateeb, the senior advisor at the Royal court of the royal kingdom of Saudi Arabia and board chairman of the Saudi development fund paid visit in the horn of Africa's nation from December 14-16, 2016

The delegation's visit comes weeks after Ethiopian Prime Minister, Hailemariam Desalegn, paid visit to the Saudi Kingdom.

During his visit last month, Hailemariam had called on Saudi investors and business people to invest in Ethiopia.

Following discussions between the two sides last month, king of Saudi Arabia Salman Bin Abdulaziz vow to send delegation of business and investors.

Both countries then have also agreed to boost their cooperation in trade and investment and to further work jointly on peace and security in East Africa and the Middle East

Here in the capital, Addis Ababa, the Saudi high-level Saudi delegation met Ethiopian Prime Minister, Hailemariam Desalegn and foreign minister Workenh Gebwyehu and five other ministers.

According to the Ethiopian ministry of foreign affairs, the purpose of the visit is to explore investment opportunities.

It further intends to eye the potentials of Ethiopia in the energy sector and to discuss on how to cooperate on the development of renewable energy.

The delegation expressed the interest of the government of Saudi Arabia to develop and import energy from Ethiopia.

Ethiopian minister of Livestock and fisheries, Prof Fekadu Beyene, during his discussion with the delegation called on Saudi investors to engage in livestock investment, according to Gashaw Debela, senior public relation at the ministry.

“Ethiopia has the largest livestock population in Africa and Saudi investors could therefore be benefited more if they invest in this sector,” said Fekadu.

Ahmed Alkhateeb to his side vow that Riyadh would provide necessary support for its citizens who would invest in Ethiopia.

A Source from foreign minister on Sunday told Sudan Tribune the latest visit aimed at enhancing political, social economic ties of the two countries.

I said dozens of Saudi investors and business men have pledged to invest in Ethiopia.

Last week a Saudi delegation has requested 100,000 hectares to invest in Alfalfa plant (livestock food) integrated project and in livestock processing.

The delegation has also paid visit to the Ethiopian Grand Renaissance Dam and discussed with project manager Engineer Simegnew Bekele on the status of the construction.

The Saudi high level delegation dispatched by the Saudi king was drawn from various sectors among others from energy, finance and industry.

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December 18, 2018 (JUBA)- Several political leaders in South Sudan have expressed a profound fear questioning the likelihood of the success of the national dialogue President Salva Kiir has announced last week, throwing into doubt the viability of the process without participation of the key and influential political leaders.

Rebel General Peter Gatdet Yaka gestures as he speaks to South Sudan's rebel leader Riek Machar (not seen) in a rebel controlled territory in Jonglei February 1, 2014. (Photo Reuters/Goran Tomasevic)

Speaking in an interview with Sudan Tribune on Sunday, General Peter Gadet, one of the holdout armed opposition groups said the dialogue would not succeed because of President Kiir being the patron in addition to the venue of the dialogue.

“That dialogue is already died. Why, because the person who is part of the conflict cannot be the same person to lead such a process. President Salva is the part of the conflict and he cannot be the patron. Also the venue of the national dialogue cannot be held inside South Sudan," Gadet told Sudan Tribune on Sunday.

"A real national dialogue needs to be held outside the country if all other political and military leaders are to participate in the process of the national dialogue,” he further stressed.

Last Wednesday, Kiir launched a call for national dialogue to consolidate peace in the country, as he said.

He said the dialogue process, which will be guided by "eminent personalities and people of consensus" will involve "all the people of South Sudan".

The former Western Equatoria governor also said the national dialogue has no value because fighting is still continuing in different parts of South Sudan.

Joseph Bangasi Bakosoro said in a separate interview that guns must go silence first if the dialogue is to be conducted. He also emphasized for inclusivity, stressing that successful dialogue would include participation of other political and military leaders in and outside the country.

Also, Lam Akol, chairman of the National Democratic Movement for inclusive dialogue, stressing that embarking on a new inclusive political process outside South Sudan that will provide a forum for all to thrash out the root causes of the conflict and agree on the future of the country.

“Dialogue, according to Akol, would offer a better chance for a genuine peace to be attained in South Sudan. Peace that will pave the way for reconciliation and healing and provide a conducive atmosphere for enacting a permanent constitution for the country.

Following a special meeting on South Sudan on Wednesday, the UN Human Rights Council condemned the violations of human rights and international humanitarian law in the country and called on the government to put an end to widespread atrocities and bring the perpetrators of past violations to justice.

Also, the Government of South Sudan was urged to appoint a Special Representative on sexual and gender-based violence.

The head of the UN's human rights commission for South Sudan, Yasmin Sooka, also reiterated that the country risked plunging into a crisis similar to the 1994 Genocide in Rwanda.

"South Sudan stands on the brink of an all-out ethnic civil war, which could destabilize the entire region," she said.

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By Salah Shuaib

The overwhelming desire to change the miserable situations created by the Islamic regime in Sudan should not make us forget the necessity of planning for a firm democratic transition, which some expect to happen soon. One of the biggest obstacles that ended the consolidation of change after the success of the October 1964 and April 1985 revolutions was the narrow, personal and partisan agendas that prevailed then over the national ones.

Indeed, in the aftermath of the fall of these aggressive military dictatorships, our political elites focused on inheriting the two regimes' governmental assets and positions without thinking about reviewing the structure of the state itself, and subsequently these acts had clearly contributed to undermining the October and April democratic processes.

Since democratic politicians sank, during the democratic processes, in reliance on election outcomes as a means to control and then monopolize the achievement of their raw programs, major political mistakes emerged to pave the way for military officers, with an ideological background, to retake power.

Most of the Sudanese influential politicians assume that societal reform could only be achieved through political tools or procedures, such as creating a new democratic order, parties, newspapers, an election committee, and institutions that deal with judicial, executive and legislative issues. However, the real reform of the country's historically miserable situations would be essentially achieved through cultural, enlightening and educational policies.

In analyzing Sudanese politicians' discourses and behaviors, one, unfortunately, would notice that they neglect, or not realize if you will, the contributions the democratic figures had historically provided to reform Sudan with enlightened works during the democratic and authoritarian periods alike.

There are significant and magnificent legacies of a number of national reformers who have played a better role compared to top political leaders to bring us to this stage of enlightenment, in which we are now aware of the meaning of freedom and democracy, and how we should consider adopting a just and workable reform.
In fact, those national figures who have introduced enlightenment helped the country's activists now have a national sense that will inevitably make Sudan recover. Such a national sense is due to the enormous sacrifices made by democratic elites in the whole spaces of enlightenment, and it is not made by those initiating political thought only.

To be sure, the political schemes applied by Sudan's military regimes and democratic governments were responsible for the great tragedies that befell the country. Undoubtedly, political mistakes may vary among Sudan's national and ideological components, and military plots may still coincide with each other regarding their policies or acts against democratic transparency across this party or that party, but democratic contributors in the fields of enlightenment, media, and arts have consistently been - during promising and frustrating moments – accumulating tremendous efforts to educate the Sudanese people on the importance of achieving democratic governance.

The current efforts that the country witnesses to change the brutal, Islamic regime have to be associated with intellectual insights of how the coming transitional period can learn from the past mistakes, which included ignoring the restructuring of the state methodologically, culturally and administratively, linking religion with the state, and insisting on isolating multiculturalism from various national activities.
I believe that changing the brutal regime in Sudan, without changing the structure of the state that has helped the country's dictators to produce such egregious massacres, will not end the governance crisis of the country.

The writer is a Sudanese journalist. He can be reached at salshua7@hotmail.com

By Amjed Fareid Eltayeb

For three days in November 2016 (starting the 27th), Khartoum and other urban areas in Sudan were ghost cities. Silent streets, empty if not entirely absent public transportation vehicles, and closed shops were the normal scenes of the day during the three days of the so-called Civil Disobedience.
Sudanese people chose to follow a call for civil disobedience that went viral in social media following the announcement of the latest economic measures. The unbearable increase in the cost of living included a massive surge in the prices of some critical items like food and medicines. The vast success and wide response to the first call for the three-days public strike of November inspired another one. Social groups called for another one day civil disobedience in the 19th of December. This second call received public support from mostly the entire political and syndicalistic spectrum in Sudan.

Mr. Jones of Sudan and his Snowball

The enraged momentum was slowly building up before the propagation of the disobedience's call. Sudanese doctors went in a nationwide strike that continued in an interrupted manner during the months of October and November. on the 27th of October 2016, Security Services (NISS) started detaining doctors in the leadership of the strike. Doctors were demanding the government to provide the basic life-saving equipment in public hospitals and to increase its expenditure on the health sector and services which is very tiny (varies between 2% to 4% of the annual budget compared to 70% of the budget directed to sovereign, security, and defence sectors). This miniature expenditure is preventing doctors of saving lives in emergency departments due to the lack of basic equipment and drugs. The Central Committee of Doctors (CCD) raised an attractive slogan for their demands; (For the Citizens) which appealed to people and availed huge popularity and support for their movement.

Concurrently, on the 23ed of October, popular and political forces announced a public strike in Algerif Shariq suburb of the Sudanese capital Khartoum. The citizens of this eastern extension of the capital alienated themselves from all aspects of government authority for three consecutive days. The area witnesses a longstanding dispute between the government and the locals over land ownership. The government is trying grab the traditionally owned, fertile agricultural lands on the banks of the Nile from the local citizens and sell it to investors.

On the third of November, the Government of Sudan announced its new economic measures. The measures included floating of the Sudanese Pound which led to a huge surge in the prices of almost everything. The increase in the prices of medications and drugs was the most notable. The cost of essential life-saving drugs went over the roof with an average increase of 150%. The measures were announced against a public pledge from the government when passing 2016's annual budget in the parliament of no increase in prices during the year. This pledge had gone with wind long ago before these latest measures as soon as the end of January 2016 witnessed a threefold increase in the price of cooking gas.

Political forces strongly opposed and criticized these measures publicly. The government responded by launching a wave of detentions of political leaders. The list of detainees included most of the leading staff of the Sudanese Congress Party and the Secretariat of the National Consensus Forces alliance in addition to tens of political activists. The detainees' list continues to grow massively. Estimates of their numbers reached over 200 in different areas of Sudan by the second week of December.

However, several demonstrations against the economic measures took place in Khartoum, Madani, Gadarif, Atbra and other cities of Sudan. The impact of the measures on the pharmaceutical products launched another trade-unionistic response. Pharmacists and pharmaceutical companies went on a one day strike objecting the new unbearable prices of drugs. Over 200 pharmacies closed its doors on the 19th of November, all over Sudan. The Pharmacists Association called to a public meeting which was addressed by the State Minister of Health (Sumia Okud). The minister tried to defend the economic measures by proposing alternatives for poor classes. Many of the pharmacists including representative of the pharmaceutical companies responded back, exposing the falsehood of her speech with numbers from the current market. Later, the majority of the meeting attendees walked out accusing the minister to be delusional. Yet, another hashtag demanding to restore subsidies to medications went viral in social media and gained extensive coverage in Arabic and Middle Eastern traditional media.

This political build-up was very close to the public mood. Calls for resistance spread all over social media groups. On September 17th, Social female group in Facebook called and conducted a symbolic protest in Africa Street in the centre of Khartoum near the premises of the ruling National Congress Party. The protest raised slogans against the increase of the prices. Security forces attacked the protesting women with its usual brutality and excessive violence. That treatment provoked people to join the protest. NISS forces arrested tens of the protesters on that day. Wondering on how to deal with this new type of social activists who have little if any political affiliations, NISS handed them to the police who presented them to trials on charges of public nuisance. Further demonstrations took place by secondary schools' students all over Khartoum North city of the capital in the 24th of November. NISS reacted to that by raiding schools, arresting teachers and accusing them with sedition.

On the 23ed of November, a call for action started to take over the social media platforms. A call for civil disobedience by staying homes and boycotting works and business from the 27th to 29th of November grew rapidly. On the 27th, the striving call translated to reality. Streets were empty and shops were closed in most of the urban areas of Sudan. It was obvious that the call reached an extra mile further than the normal outreach of the internet. The word of mouth participated largely in increasing the outreach of the call, reflecting another sign of the extent of people's frustration with the government.

Many factors played significant roles in the success of this three-day general strike. The accumulation and build-up of the dissenting notion to the government over the previous weeks was among the reasons of the quick positive response to the call. The fear of the repetition of the 2013 massacre - in which the governmental security forces killed over 200 peaceful protesters who were demonstrating against similar economic measures announced by President Bashir - was another factor. The call for the so-called civil disobedience provided a safe alternative option for resistance. Ridiculously, earlier in December after the second call to disobedience spread, President Bashir challenged those who call for the disobedience and toppling his regime to come out and meet (…his forces) in the streets, accusing them of cowardness if they don't, because they tried before and knew what will happen to them, in refence to the September 2013 massacre.

Another factor of success was the decentralized manner of the call, which is largely related to the passive nature of the action its self (Do nothing and do not go out of your home). Everyone was a leader and every group and area was a centre. The social media groups had polls for almost everything related to this civil disobedience. Hashtags were voted for. Daily names of the group were publicly discussed and voted for. Political debates reverberated in the FaceBook group that was formed to launch the call. Everyone in the group that attracted over hundreds of thousands of members in less than a week time expressed their opposing views to the government. Demands such as Bashir resignation, stopping wars, dissolving the ruling party, and other demands were discussed and expressed publicly. Information about the widespread corruption was exchanged between the members of the group. Recognizably, the demand of government withdrawing its latest measures was popularly rejected on the ground that the problem is deeper than only these measures.

The huge success of the call re-established the public trust on the strength of their collective action. On the other hand, the populist notion of the call and its lack of organizational structure although facilitated the quick spread, did prevent the formulation of specific, concrete, and rational desired outcomes. Nevertheless, the 27th of November was a public vote of No to Bashir's regime and his government. The government can claim very little legitimacy in representing the people of Sudan after that day, if any at all.

The Civil Disobedience paved the way for further political momentum. In the 30 of November, Political entities including National Consensus Forces parties and the Civil Society Initiative delivered a well-articulated note to the presidential palace demanding President Bashir to step down. In December, 1st, The Sudan People Liberation Movement issued a statement reconfirming the preannounced stoppage of all negotiation with the regime, calling for unified centre for the opposition and the stepping down of Bashir to open the window for discussing transitional arrangements. Even the Popular Congress Party and other progovernment parties that participated in Bashir's National Dialogue criticised the government's latest economic measures. Let alone the abandoning rat of the regime's sinking ship, Ghazi Salah Eldin who took the opportunity to play all the cards again – after his recent re-joining of the joke of the National Dialogue- and saluted the disobedience and those behind it without frankly supporting the call for the next one.

It became obvious that any entity that align its self with regime now is committing a political suicide. It was recognizable that the president spent most of the time of these events outside the country in foreign visits. The latest visit was during the days of the disobedience to the UAE in what seems a failed attempt to attract foreign aid. About $2.1bn has been deposited in the last two years to Sudan's central bank by Saudi Arabia and other friendly states after Sudan cut its diplomatic and security ties with Iran, but it failed helping to improve the collapsing economy.

Economy 1.0.1: You Can Not Run, You Can Not Hide

The government's recurring austerity measures to stabilize the economy seems to be just like Don Quixote's tilting at windmills. No economic measures could solve a crisis that is political in nature. Similar measures have been announced in 2012, and 2013 (the latest fuelled an uprising during which the government killed over 200 protesters with evidence established of shoot to kill orders in the streets in order to calm it down). With an inflation rate that increases averagely by 40% a year since 2011 and just about $800m of foreign exchange reserves left in the central bank according to the IMF, Bashir's regime is seriously crumbling this time.

The price of the political failures of Bashir's regime is very expensive. The direct cost of war in darfur alone is around 5 billion US dollars a year. The war in the two areas is expected to be more costly. the funding of the paraformal militias which guard Bashir's reign is taking place outside the accounting systems and formal financial structure of the state, opening a large door for corruption and venality. The shortage in funding the public and social services is increasing with the majority of public funds directed to military and security sectors. However, the economic crisis of the current Sudanese government seems to be deeper and more structural in nature than the burden of wars alone.

The current Islamic Government of Sudan silenced multiple waves of public demonstrations triggered by the economic hardship with excessive force and violence since it came to power. Following the 1989's coup, the National Islamic Front (NIF) government decided to take the Sudanese economy on the path of free market economy. In 1992, the government formally adopted the Economic Liberalization Policy. A policy aimed at treating the economic stagnation of the country by restricting the role of the state to policymaking and reducing the expenditure of the public sector in social services sectors. Furthermore, the framework of this policy also included an extensive program of sale and liquidation for the state-owned institutions and companies. This led to severe reduction of the government income because of the liquidation of the profitable state-owned investments. The main reason behind selling these profitable investments was the wide spread of the corruption practices that was protected by senior governmental officials.

The first years of implementation of these policies took the country through very serious hardships. Rapid rising of the actual inflation reached 166% by year 1996 . The value of the local currency showed similar deterioration. With the absence of any foreign support, the burden of dept. continued to rise to reach reached about $ 17 billion in 1996. The GDP showed low level of annual growth that reached 1% in year 1994 .

The oil production achieved a relative economic stability. This had a larger significant role after the signing of the CPA that ended the long civil war in the South. The bless of oil production came with its curse. Since the first shipment of Sudanese oil exported in 30, September 1999, Sudan started to show the symptoms of the “Dutch disease”: the overdependence on natural resources discovery that leads to large increase in revenues associated with decline interest in focusing or developing of other sectors. Sudan witnessed total decline in the productive sectors, both industrial and agricultural with increase dependence on Oil export revenues. Petroleum sector represented 80% of total national export earnings in 2002, where formal financial reports showed a terrible decline in the rest of the goods especially cotton and oilseeds.
long-term social impacts resulted from these policies. The government expenditure did not put in account any measures to ease the hardships of its policy on the general population in the short or long terms. For example, 1998 annual budget allocated only 18% to goods and services and 7% to development . Most of the budget was directed to security and defence sectors in addition to the degenerative effect of the wide spread corruption in the absence of any accountability measures. The revenues of oil production were not used to support long-term improvements of the economy but it was rather used directly to support the budget deficit resulting of increasing governmental spending and import financing.

The independence of South Sudan that come to effect on the 9th of July 2011, created a new reality that exposed the structural and political crisis of the Sudanese economy. Sudan lost about one third of its land and 25% of its population. Most of the oil resources were in fields situated within the new country.

The loss of oil revenues was a major cause of unpredictable directions of Sudanese economy post 2011. Sudanese government tried to replace Oil export with export of raw gold. However, the progovernment militias control most of the gold mining fields. Government is leaving this control to the militias in order to buy and maintain their loyalty and continue using them in its extended civil wars. This prevented any actual use of gold revenues to achieve real improvements in the Sudanese economy. The burden of the debt is putting further hardship on the economy. It reached $48.2bn, 86% of which was in arrears at the end of 2015. This accounts to over 70% of Sudan's GDP. It is important to recognize that the principal debt was 16.1 billion, and the rest are interests and delayed repayment penalties. The accelerated growing rate for these debts returns to four basic factors;
• The rising of interest rates for the debt.
• The exports decline.
• The spending of these debts on non-productive projects.
• The wide spread corruption within the government officials.

Conclusion

With the political deadlock in the country, the current economic crisis seems to be the undoing of Bashir's regime. The accumulation of the public anger and unrest and the joining of new social groups to the active resistance against the regime are signs of the inevitability of change. The Khartoum Based National Dialogue proved to be just another tool of power centralization in the hands of President Bashir. The collapse of the AUHIP RoadMap agreement due the government's stubbornness in reaching humanitarian aid arrangement killed all hopes of reaching a peace deal with the fighting rebels. The Government proclaimed victory and end of war in Darfur is endangered by the fact that land ownership issues and militias attacks on local farmers and IDPs continue to take place.

The scene is open to many scenarios. The most dangerous scenario is an internal coup within the regime. The ongoing friction between the army and Rapid Support Forces -that strives to confirm its position as a legitimate and independent force- is a major hazard. Any military move to grasp the power seat this time will be faced with resistance from other institutionalised militarily forces.

With lack of other options for the government, the only safe exit for the country is Bashir agreeing to stepping down political arrangements for transitional period to take place. However, the government might succeed to do some relieving cosmetic measures, but it is doubtful to have long term impacts. The foreign powers who decide to support these cosmetic measures will be opposing the expressed will of the Sudanese people. Something that people do not forget easily. The international community continue to make remarks about the fear of chaos in the country if sudden change took place. These remarks ignore the fact that chaos is where Bashir's regime is leading us. Almost one third of the country is in a state of active war while the cost of life in the rest of the country is becoming increasingly unbearable. Let alone Sudanese people do have the right like the rest of the people of the world to choose who run their country.

Bashir mentioned before that he read Macbeth -actually his exact words were that he read for Shakespeare and Macbeth but who could question the intellect of a tyrant? - it might be time for him to recognize that Birnam Wood is actually moving this time.

The author is the spokesperson of SudanChangeNow

On December 12, 2016, the European Union and United States announced targeted sanctions against a total of nine senior Congolese officials who have played a key role in the repression over the past two years.

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Police detain members of the youth movement Filimbi after a peaceful sit-in outside the African Union (AU) office in Kinshasa on October 29, 2016.

© Private

The US sanctions, which included assets freezes, went higher up the chain of command than previous sanctions announced in June and September, targeting Kalev Mutondo, director of the country’s National Intelligence Agency, and Evariste Boshab, vice prime minister and interior minister, for “undermining democratic processes.” Mutondo and Boshab have been the architects of much of the repression over the past two years, as Kabila sought to hold onto power beyond his term limit.

The EU sanctions, which included travel bans and assets freezes, targeted four people who “contributed to acts constituting serious violations of human rights in the DRC, by planning, directing or carrying out those acts:” Ilunga Kampete, commander of the Republican Guard; Gabriel Amisi Kumba, commander for the western region of the Congolese army; Ferdinand Ilunga Luyolo, commander of the anti-riot body known as the National Intervention Legion of the Congolese National Police (LENI); and Celestin Kanyama, Kinshasa police commissioner.

The EU targeted three others for “trying to obstruct a consensual and peaceful solution to the crisis as regards the holding of elections in the DRC, in particular through acts of violence, repression or incitement to violence, or actions that undermine the rule of law:” John Numbi, former inspector-general of the Congolese National Police; Roger Kibelisa, interior director of the National Intelligence Agency; and Delphin Kahimbi, director of military intelligence.

In its declaration announcing the sanctions, the EU said that “additional restrictive measures may be considered in the event of further violence or the political process being impeded.”

Kalev Mutondo
As the director of the National Intelligence Agency (ANR), Kalev Mutondo has been among the principal architects of the government’s drive to repress political dissent. Human Rights Watch interviewed over a dozen government officials, members of Kabila’s majority coalition, and security force officers over the past two years about Mutondo’s role.

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Kalev Mutond (second from left), Director of the National Intelligence Agency (ANR) in the Democratic Republic of Congo, appears with First Lady Marie Olive Lembe and President Joseph Kabila during the country’s independence anniversary celebration in Kindu, capital of Maniema province, June 30, 2016.

© 2016 Reuters

Mutondo’s intelligence agency arbitrarily arrested scores of human rights and pro-democracy youth activists and opposition leaders, many of whom were held incommunicado for weeks or months, without charge and without access to their families or lawyers. Some were tried on trumped-up charges – with Mutondo also allegedly playing a role in intimidating judges and dictating verdicts.

Some of those the intelligence agency detained in the government crackdown were badly mistreated or tortured, including with electric shocks and a form of near-drowning. Its agents have also repeatedly intimidated, threatened, and harassed activists, journalists, and opposition leaders or supporters, apparently as part of a broader campaign to spread fear and curtail their work.

Before an opposition demonstration in Kinshasa in September 2015, Mutondo was among several senior security and ruling party officials who hired men to assault peaceful protesters. Armed with clubs and wooden sticks, the assailants beat the demonstrators, spreading fear and chaos throughout the crowd of several thousand. Several recruits told Human Rights Watch that they had been called to a meeting with officials at a military camp in Kinshasa the night before, paid about US$65 each, and given instructions for conducting the attack.

The US imposed sanctions on Mutondo on December 12.

Evariste Boshab
Evariste Boshab, the vice prime minister and interior and security minister, has played an important commanding role in the repression over the past two years.

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Evariste Boshab.

© Radio Okapi/Ph. Innocent Olenga Lumbahee Since obtaining this position in December 2014, Boshab has been officially responsible for the police and security services and coordinating the work of provincial governors. These entities have repeatedly banned or repressed opposition demonstrations, jailed activists and opponents, shut down media outlets, and blocked opposition leaders’ freedom of movement.

Before the demonstrations in Kinshasa on September 19, Boshab signed a communiqué that was presented on national television announcing that all demonstrations were banned and that anyone who went outside would “face the rigor of the law and the police would do its job.” Many interpreted this as a green light to the security forces to crack down on demonstrators.

After the crackdown on demonstrations in Kinshasa in January 2015 and in September 2016, Boshab’s office deployed police officers to the main morgue and instructed morgue employees not to provide any information to journalists or human rights defenders about the bodies of victims killed during protests, witnesses said.

Boshab has also been implicated in efforts to bar international and Congolese human rights organizations and pro-democracy movements from operating freely in Congo. On November 3, Boshab instructed all 26 governors to prohibit the youth movements Filimbi and LUCHA from holding any activities because they were not legally registered groups. That runs counter to Congolese law, which does not require citizens to register their organization to hold a peaceful assembly.

The US imposed sanctions on Boshab on December 12.

Gaston Hughes Ilunga Kampete
Gen. Gaston Hughes Ilunga Kampete has been the commander of the Republican Guard presidential security detail since late 2014. The Republican Guard is a force of around 12,000 soldiers whose primary task is to guard the president. Under Congolese law, the Republican Guard has no responsibilities for maintaining public order.

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General Ilunga Kampete (right) speaks with General Bahuma Ambamba (center) near Chanzu, eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, on November 5, 2013.

© 2013 Getty Images

During protests in Kinshasa in January 2015, security forces fatally shot at least 38 people. Republican Guard soldiers under Kampete’s command were among those who fired live ammunition into crowds of demonstrators. Republican Guard forces also fired indiscriminately in a hospital, seriously wounding three people. Human Rights Watch also documented several instances in which Republican Guard soldiers took away the bodies of those shot in an apparent attempt to remove evidence of the killings.

Members of the Republican Guard presidential security detail – including some Republican Guard units deployed in police uniforms – were responsible for many abuses during the September 2016 demonstrations in Kinshasa. Republican Guard forces fired on demonstrators, and attacked and burned opposition party headquarters, burning to death several people.

Several officers told Human Rights Watch that Kampete together with the army commander, Gen. Gabriel Amisi, led an operations command center in Kinshasa during the week of September 19 and gave orders to the security force units on the ground that carried out the repression. “The order was given to suppress the demonstrators so that they wouldn’t succeed in their mission,” one officer said. “The order was given to do everything so they didn’t enter Gombe [the part of the capital where most government buildings, the presidency, and embassies are located].”

Another said the orders were to “crush” the demonstrations. Republican Guard soldiers who would be deployed in Kinshasa the week of September 19 were allegedly paid bonuses on September 16 to motivate them for a strong response during the demonstrations, according to a security officer.

The EU imposed sanctions on Kampete on December 12.

Gabriel Amisi
Gen. Gabriel Amisi Kumba (known as “Tango Four”) has a long record of involvement in serious human rights abuses in Congo. An officer in then-President Joseph Mobutu’s army, Amisi joined the Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo (AFDL) rebellion, backed by Rwanda, which ousted Mobutu in 1997. Amisi later joined another Rwanda-backed rebellion, the Congolese Rally for Democracy-Goma, and in May 2002, was among the commanders responsible for widespread killings, summary executions, rapes, and pillage during the suppression of a mutiny in Kisangani, Human Rights Watch found at the time.

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Gabriel Amisi (known as “Tango Four”), army commander of the country’s western region.

© 2016 private The United Nations Group of Experts on Congo reported that Amisi was later allegedly involved in the trafficking of minerals, including tin and gold, while he was commander of the Congolese army’s ground forces. Amisi was suspended in November 2012 following accusations by the UN Group of Experts that he was overseeing a network distributing ammunition for poachers and armed groups. Congolese authorities cleared him of all charges in July 2014.

Amisi is currently the commander of the First Defense Zone, which covers Kinshasa and the western provinces. Troops under his command have been involved in the violent repression of political demonstrations over the past two years and excessive and unnecessary use of force.

During the September 2016 protests in Kinshasa, Amisi and the Republican Guard commander, General Kampete, led an operations command center in Kinshasa, several security officers said. The generals allegedly gave orders to the security force units on the ground that committed abuses.

Human Rights Watch found that Amisi and other senior officers and ruling party officials – including the Youth and Sports Minister Denis Kambayi – mobilized and paid youth league members to infiltrate the September demonstrations and instigate protesters to loot and commit violence. A youth league member associated with Vita Club, a soccer team that Amisi is the president of, told Human Rights Watch that he was called to a meeting in advance of the demonstrations and instructed to infiltrate the demonstrations.

The US imposed sanctions on Amisi on September 28 and the EU imposed sanctions on him on December 12.

Céléstin Kanyama
Gen. Céléstin Kanyama has been the provincial police commissioner for Kinshasa since December 2013. Kanyama officially reports to the national police commissioner, Gen. Charles Bisengimana, but also reportedly takes direction from other senior Congolese officials. Kanyama has a long record of alleged involvement in human rights abuses.

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Célestin Kanyama.

© 2014 Radio Okapi/Ph. John Bompengo

Between November 2013 and February 2014, Kanyama was the primary commander of Operation Likofi, a police operation purportedly aimed at cracking down on organized criminal gangs. He was responsible for giving the orders on the conduct of the operation, which entailed numerous grave abuses. Participating police officers summarily executed at least 51 young men and teenage boys and forcibly disappeared 33 others.

Kanyama and troops under his command were allegedly responsible for much of the repression in Kinshasa in 2015 and 2016 against activists, political opposition, and protesters, including arbitrary arrests and the crackdown on political demonstrations in January 2015 and September 2016.

Kanyama was also among senior security force and ruling party officials who hired men to assault a peaceful political demonstration in the capital on September 15, 2015.

When police commander of Kinshasa’s Lukunga district, he was implicated in violence during the 2011 electoral period, when police and other security forces killed scores of opposition supporters on the streets of Kinshasa.

The US imposed sanctions on Kanyama on June 23, and the EU imposed sanctions on him on December 12.

John Numbi
John Numbi is the former national inspector for the Congolese National Police. In 2008, he was involved in deploying about 600 police officers to repress the political-religious group Bundu Dia Kongo (BDK), based in Bas Congo. Human Rights Watch research at the time showed that during three weeks of police operations, the police used excessive and unnecessary lethal force. They fired at protesting BDK adherents, some of them violent, without adequate warning, killing over 200 and injuring scores of others. In some cases police deliberately killed wounded people, including those seeking medical treatment at health centers, running away, or otherwise in no position to threaten the police. The police systematically burned meeting places, homes, and other buildings belonging to BDK adherents. The police arrested over 150 suspected followers of the group, including people who had not participated in any actions against the police, and tortured or ill-treated some of them.

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John Numbi, a former national police inspector.

© 2016 private

On June 1, 2010, the prominent human rights defender Floribert Chebeya, who had documented police abuses against the BDK, visited the police headquarters in Kinshasa following a telephone call telling him to go to Numbi’s office. His body was found soon afterward. Chebeya’s driver, Fidèle Bazana, remains missing. Following a widespread outcry in Congo and abroad about the apparent double murder that implicated Numbi, he was suspended as national police inspector on June 5, 2010. A high military court in 2012 refused to examine Numbi’s alleged role in the murder.

Although Numbi no longer has an official function, several government and security force officials told Human Rights Watch that he remains a close adviser to President Kabila and plays an influential role in security and politics in the former Katanga province. Three candidates for governor during the March 2016 gubernatorial elections in the four provinces making up the former Katanga province told Human Rights Watch that Numbi had threatened them and told them to withdraw their candidacies. A senior government official in Katanga also said that Numbi made death threats to opposition candidates during the gubernatorial elections, telling them to withdraw their candidacies and not contest the results. The official also said that Numbi is the “real governor” of the four provinces making up the former Katanga province.

The US imposed sanctions on Numbi on September 28, and the EU imposed sanctions on him on December 12.

Delphin Kahimbi
Gen. Delphin Kahimbi is implicated in serious human rights abuses in Congo, including involvement in arbitrary arrests, torture, and ill-treatment of detainees, especially of ethnic Tutsi.

In 2006, as the deputy commander of the 8th Military Region, Kahimbi allegedly arbitrarily arrested and detained people in his private residence in Goma. A man arrested in Goma in December 2006 alleged that he was beaten with a belt and tortured with electric shocks, including by Kahimbi.

In 2008, as second in command of the Congolese army in North Kivu and in operational command of the Kiwanja and Rutshuru area during operations against the National Congress for the Defense of the People (CNDP) rebel group, Kahimbi showed considerable hostility toward UN peacekeeping troops. He knowingly put peacekeepers and the civilians who cluster near their bases at risk of being caught in crossfire. As part of a broader failure to cooperate with the UN peacekeepers, Kahimbi also appears to have been involved in instigating demonstrations against UN peacekeepers, which led to restrictions on UN patrols, leaving peacekeepers frequently absent when residents were attacked.

As coordinator of the pre-disarmament, demobilization and reintegration process for combatants, Kahimbi alongside other officials failed to provide adequate food and health care to demobilized combatants, their wives, and children in a remote military camp in Congo in 2014. Over 100 of them died there from starvation and disease.

More recently, as commander of military intelligence, Kahimbi has been implicated in arbitrary arrests, detention, and mistreatment in Kinshasa in the context of repression against the political opposition and others. Norbert Luyeye, president of the opposition political party Union of Republicans (Union des Républicains, UR), was arrested with six others on August 7, 2016 at Luyeye’s home. On August 4, Luyeye had declared at his party headquarters that a legal vacuum would ensue if the National Independent Electoral Committee (CENI) failed to call elections in September, and called for a meeting in Kinshasa’s Ndjili neighborhood on September 4 to prepare for the September 19 demonstrations. The military intelligence services are detaining them all in Kinshasa without charge and without access to their families or lawyer.

Cubain Tshimbalanga, a member of the Congolese Solidarity for Democracy (SCODE) political opposition party, was arrested in Kinshasa on September 26, detained at the military intelligence headquarters in Kinshasa, and badly beaten before his release in early October. He was not charged or allowed access to his family or lawyers during his detention. Martin Fayulu, an opposition leader and president of the Engagement for Citizenship and Development (ECIDE) political party, was also detained for several hours at the military intelligence headquarters in Kinshasa on February 14, 2016, and a number of his belongings were seized.

The EU imposed sanctions on Kahimbi on December 12.

Ferdinand Ilunga Luyolo
As commander of the anti-riot police force known as the National Intervention Legion of the Congolese police (LENI), Col. Ferdinand Luyolo commanded troops implicated in the excessive use of force during demonstrations in Kinshasa in September 2016.

Several security force officers told Human Rights Watch that Colonel Luyolo commanded the Republican Guard units that were deployed in police uniforms during the September demonstrations, armed with assault rifles and grenades, and who were responsible for many of the killings. They also alleged that troops under Luyolo’s command were responsible for taking away the bodies of victims after they were killed.

The EU imposed sanctions against Luyolo on December 12.

Roger Kibelisa
As head of the Department for Interior Security of the National Intelligence Agency (ANR), Roger Kibelisa has been implicated in the repression of political dissent, including in the arbitrary arrest, detention, and mistreatment of scores of political prisoners. Many political prisoners and activists have been detained, held in inhumane conditions, and in some cases mistreated at the “3Z” detention center, the ANR building in Kinshasa where Kibelisa’s office is located. Detainees’ families, lawyers and human rights activists have regularly been denied access to 3Z.

One political prisoner who was detained at the 3Z detention center described an overcrowded cell swarming with insects where they were forced to sleep against each other “like sardines” as large rats crawled over their bodies. He said they had to relieve themselves in plastic buckets in the cell, spent much of the day in total darkness, and were only given food once a day – a spoonful of 18 beans when he counted. They were given one bar of soap for two people every two months, and were not allowed insecticide or razors to shave.

An activist who was detained at the 3Z said the guards regularly told them: “Here you are prisoners. You don’t have any rights.”

The EU imposed sanctions on Kibelisa on December 12.

(Kinshasa) – Democratic Republic of Congo President Joseph Kabila should make a public commitment before the end of his second term, on December 19, 2016, to respect the constitution and leave office, Human Rights Watch said today. Failing to do so will increase the likelihood of major violence and government abuses in the coming days and weeks.

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President Joseph Kabila at the African Union headquarters in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, February 24, 2013.

© 2013 Reuters

Government repression against activists, political opposition leaders, peaceful protesters, and others who oppose attempts to extend Kabila’s presidency has escalated in recent months, Human Rights Watch said. Ongoing talks between the opposition and the ruling coalition, mediated by the Catholic Church, have not resolved the political impasse, while Kabila has repeatedly refused to declare if and when he will step down.

“There is a grave risk that Congo could descend into widespread violence and chaos in the coming days, with potentially volatile repercussions across the region,” said Kenneth Roth, executive director of Human Rights Watch. “President Kabila is the one person who can prevent this, by making a clear, public commitment to step down and by ending the violent repression by those under his command.”

Congolese across the country have been mobilizing for large-scale demonstrations beginning on December 19 to pressure Kabila to leave office. In addition, leaders of armed groups in the eastern part of the country have said that the army and police will no longer be “legitimate” after December 19, increasing the likelihood of armed conflict. The country’s brittle security forces could fracture if Kabila relies on force to stay in power, and Congo’s neighboring countries could become involved, as they have during past fighting in Congo.

Throughout the country, government officials and security forces have repeatedly banned opposition demonstrations and fired teargas and live bullets on peaceful protesters. During one of the deadliest crackdowns, in the capital, Kinshasa, from September 19 to 21, security forces killed at least 66 protesters, Human Rights Watch found, and possibly many more as demonstrators protested the electoral commission’s failure to announce presidential elections. Some burned to death when the Republican Guard presidential security detail attacked opposition party headquarters. Security forces took away the bodies of many victims. Some were thrown into the Congo River and later found washed up on its shores.

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Over the past three months, Human Rights Watch interviewed more than 75 victims, witnesses, security force officers, and others about the September crackdown and received credible reports of over 30 additional people killed by security forces.

Since January 2015, Congolese authorities have arbitrarily arrested scores of activists and opposition leaders, some of whom the intelligence services held incommunicado for weeks or months while mistreating or torturing them, while others were tried on trumped-up charges. The government has shut down Congolese media outlets close to the opposition, at least six of which remain blocked. The signal for Radio France Internationale (RFI), the most important international news outlet in Congo, has been blocked in Kinshasa since November 5.

One of the September protesters told Human Rights Watch that soldiers arrested him on September 19, put him in an army truck, and drove him around Kinshasa for several hours. He said he witnessed soldiers shooting at a group of peaceful protesters outside of their truck: “When we drove by a group of young men gathered together, they started shooting. ‘You shot him in the neck but he isn’t dead,’ one of the soldiers said. ‘Shoot again,’ the other said.”

Some protesters in Kinshasa turned violent, beating or burning to death at least four police officers and one bystander. They also burned and looted police stations, a courthouse, public surveillance cameras, Chinese-owned shops, buildings associated with majority party officials, and other places seen as being close to or representative of Kabila and his government. Human Rights Watch found that police officers and members of youth leagues mobilized by ruling party officials and security force officers were also involved in the violence and looting.

After the September protests, authorities banned political meetings and rallies in Kinshasa. On several occasions when the political opposition or pro-democracy youth groups attempted to organize demonstrations or rallies, security forces fired teargas to disperse groups, arrested organizers, or surrounded opposition leaders’ homes to prevent them from leaving. Unidentified assailants have also attacked several opposition leaders’ homes in recent weeks. Over 100 pro-democracy youth activists, representatives from the opposition youth leagues, musicians, and journalists have been arrested since October in Kinshasa, Lubumbashi, Goma, and Bunia – most while planning or mobilizing participation in planned protests. At least a dozen remain in detention.

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In all, at least 40 opposition leaders and supporters and pro-democracy youth activists remain in detention across Congo, some of them held since early 2015. Others have been charged or convicted during politically motivated judicial proceedings and are living in exile. Human Rights Watch has documented cases in which senior intelligence agents and officials from the presidency interfered in judicial proceedings, dictating the charges and judgments and compelling judges to comply.

On December 12, 2016, the European Union and United States announced targeted sanctions – including travel bans and assets freezes – against nine senior Congolese officials who have played a key role in the repression over the past two years.

“The EU and US sanctions send an unequivocal message that those responsible for planning, ordering, or executing violent repression will face consequences – no matter how senior their rank or position,” Roth said. “Kabila and other senior officials should end repressive measures, allow peaceful protests, order security forces not to use excessive force, release political prisoners, drop unjust charges against political leaders and activists, and allow barred media outlets to reopen.”

The United Nations peacekeeping mission in Congo, MONUSCO, can also play a critical role in helping to mitigate violence in the coming days and weeks, Human Rights Watch said. The mission should do all it can with available resources to protect civilians, including by using its presence in Kinshasa and other large cities as a deterrent to violence and the use of excessive force by Congolese security forces. The mission should also be prepared to rapidly deploy peacekeepers to security incidents across the country.

“Congo’s regional and international partners should mobilize at the highest levels in the coming days to help prevent the situation from spiraling out of control,” Roth said. “Clear messages should be delivered to President Kabila, urging him to make a public commitment to step down and to ensure the security forces use maximum restraint. They should also signal that it will not be ‘business as usual’ in their relations with Congo should Kabila hold on to power by force.”

September Protests and Aftermath

The September 19, 2016 demonstrations against the electoral commission’s failure to announce presidential elections took place in Kinshasa, Kalemie, Mbandaka, Matadi, Bandundu, Kananga, Bukavu, Goma, Butembo, and Beni. Outside the capital, the authorities arrested at least 29 people that day. They were later released.

In Kinshasa, the protests and government response quickly turned violent and lasted for three days. Human Rights Watch found that security forces used excessive and unnecessary lethal force, killing at least 66 people on September 19, 20, and 21. The actual figure could be much higher. Human Rights Watch has received credible reports of over 30 other people killed by security forces. Some protesters resorted to violence, killing at least four policemen and a bystander.

The violence Human Rights Watch documented took place in Kinshasa’s Limete, Matete, Masina, Lemba, Kasavubu, Ndjili, Ngaliema, Kimbanseke, Ngaba, Kisenso, and Kalamu neighborhoods.

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Map provided courtesy of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. The boundaries and names shown and the designations used on this map do not imply official endorsement or acceptance by the United Nations.

© 2012 OCHA

Human Rights Watch interviewed six Congolese security force and intelligence officers, who said that members of the Republican Guard presidential security detail – including some Republican Guard units deployed in police uniforms – were responsible for much of the excessive force used during the demonstrations, firing on protesters with live ammunition and attacking at least three opposition party headquarters.

“The order was given to suppress the demonstrators so that they wouldn’t succeed in their mission,” one officer said. “The order was given to do everything so they didn’t enter Gombe [the part of the capital where most government buildings, the presidency, and embassies are located].” Another said the orders were to “crush” the demonstrations. Republican Guard soldiers, army soldiers, and police who would be deployed in Kinshasa the week of September 19 were paid bonuses on September 16 to motivate them for a strong response during the demonstrations, a security officer said.

Several officers said that Gen. Gabriel Amisi, army commander of the first zone of defense, which includes Kinshasa and other western provinces, and Gen. Ilunga Kampete, overall commander of the Republican Guard, led an operations command center in Kinshasa during the week of September 19 and gave orders to the security force units on the ground who carried out the repression. The officers also said that Colonel Ferdinand Ilunga Luyolo, commander of the National Intervention Legion of the Congolese Police (LENI), gave orders to Republican Guard troops who were deployed wearing police uniforms and armed with assault rifles and grenades during the crackdown.

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Congolese policemen arrest opposition activists participating in a march to press President Joseph Kabila to step down in the Democratic Republic of Congo's capital, Kinshasa, September 19, 2016. 

© 2016 Reuters

Youth recruited by security force officers and government officials, including Youth and Sports Minister Denis Kambayi, were paid to infiltrate the demonstrations. A member of the ruling party’s youth league said Kambayi and other party officials recruited him and other youth, paid them about US$35 each, and instructed them to “disrupt the opposition’s demonstrations and cause trouble so that it looks like the violence was sparked by the opposition.”

“We had special clothes on to help us identify each other, and we incited demonstrators to attack offices of the parties from the ruling coalition,” he said. “The protesters were really angry against those in power, so they let themselves be manipulated without realizing it. We also led them to attack public buses and other buildings associated with the ruling party.”

Kambayi, in a telephone conversation with Human Rights Watch, said that the allegations were “baseless rumors” and that he had no official connection to the ruling party’s youth league.

A youth league member associated with Vita Club, a soccer team whose president is the army officer General Gabriel Amisi Kumba, told Human Rights Watch that he was also called to a meeting in advance of the demonstrations, with General Amisi and several dozen members of the youth league. “We received instructions to create disorder among the demonstrators and to incite them to damage property,” the youth league member said. “This would then be blamed on the protest organizers. One of our members was recognized by the protesters and seriously beaten up because they understood he was an infiltrator.” Human Rights Watch contacted Amisi about the allegation but did not receive a reply.

Two Congolese security and intelligence officers told Human Rights Watch that ruling party officials and security force officers had recruited members of youth leagues and demobilized fighters to disrupt the demonstrations. “They were there to infiltrate and make the demonstrations explode [into violence] from the inside,” one said. “They would start the trouble, the demonstrators would then respond, and that would then justify the response from the police.”

In an apparent attempt to block independent observers from documenting the government repression, security forces detained eight international and Congolese journalists and two human rights and pro-democracy activists soon after the protests began on September 19. The offices of a prominent human rights organization and a civil society organization were also vandalized.

In the days following the protests, security forces conducted warrantless door-to-door searches in several parts of Kinshasa, allegedly looking for looted goods and weapons stolen from police stations. They arrested scores of young men, many of whom appear to have been targeted at random. Opposition leaders Moise Moni Della and Bruno Tshibala were also arrested on September 19 and October 9, respectively, and accused of responsibility for the September 19 violence. Tshibala was provisionally released on November 29. Martin Fayulu, another opposition leader, was badly injured when a teargas canister hit him in the head on September 19, and hospitalized for several days.

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Relatives mourn protesters killed in the September 19 and 20 demonstrations during a funeral ceremony at the opposition Union for Democracy and Social Progress (UDPS) headquarters in Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of Congo, October 31, 2016. 

© 2016 Reuters

In the aftermath of the demonstrations, authorities denied relatives, activists, and independent human rights investigators access to hospitals and morgues and threatened their staff, telling them to remain silent about those injured or killed during the protests. This made it impossible for many families to bury their loved ones or obtain the compensation Kinshasa’s provincial government officials had promised.

A preliminary report by the United Nations Joint Human Rights Office (UNJHRO) in Congo on the protests in Kinshasa found that 53 people had been killed, including 48 by state actors; 143 people had been injured; and at least 299 arbitrarily detained. The authorities denied the UN teams access to detention facilities upon instructions from senior Defense Ministry officials, and the teams had difficulty visiting morgues. Security forces prevented two UN vehicles from reaching the demonstrations. A police agent shot teargas at one vehicle, and a sniper on top of an anti-riot police truck shot twice at another but missed.

In an October 8 “white paper,” the government said that 32 people were killed in Kinshasa on September 19-20. The government praised the police for their “professionalism” and blamed the protest organizers for having “manipulated” demonstrators, saying they were responsible for “killings, rape, pillage, arson, and willful destruction.”

Accounts From Victims, Witnesses

On September 19, some protesters tore and set fire to a poster with a photo of President Kabila in Kinshasa’s Matete neighborhood. Security forces first used teargas to disperse the protesters and then ran after them, firing live bullets into the crowd, killing at least one protester. A witness said:

When other protesters were trying to pick up the dead body, the police fired teargas to disperse the crowd and prevent them from carrying away the body. The next day, the police conducted door-to-door searches in our neighborhood, breaking down doors when residents refused to let them in. They said they were looking for the youth who had sabotaged the “symbol of power.” Many youth were arrested and others fled the neighborhood.

A member of the Innovative Forces for Union and Solidarity (FONUS) opposition party said his party headquarters was torched early on September 20 by men in military uniform:

About 4:20 a.m., we were on the balcony [of the headquarters], guarding the premises. We heard a suspicious movement outside the building and went a little closer to see what was going on. We saw a man who already had climbed over the wall and others who were trying to force the gate open. They were all armed, and they were wearing military uniforms. They had caps shielding their faces, and some had ski masks on. When they saw us, they fired three shots but we managed to flee and climb over the wall to the neighbors. We were hiding but could see them pour fuel and destroy the windows with a steel bar. In the morning, neighbors came to help us put out the fire. Then police officers came too, dispersing us with teargas as if they wanted to see the headquarters burn.

On September 20, security forces wearing police uniforms shot at protesters pillaging a Chinese-owned shop. A witness said:

I saw the police arrive to chase away the protesters who were looting. They fired live bullets at them, and three people were killed, including a man who was just walking by. The police then took all of the bodies away with them.

The uncle of a youth who was shot in the head by security forces on September 19 said that the family was not allowed to take his body out of the morgue for burial:

My nephew was shot in the head while protesting with the others on Monday [September 19]. We later learned that the Congolese Red Cross brought his body to the morgue. When we arrived at the morgue to recover his body, military police stationed at the morgue threatened us and said we would be sent to Ndolo prison [a military prison in Kinshasa]. They said they had received orders from their superiors to accuse everybody who came looking for victims of having sent their children to remove President Kabila from power.

The Red Cross later gave us a number that had been allotted to my nephew’s corpse. When we returned to the morgue, one of the staff there told us that, according to their registry, the body had already been removed. By whom and when? We have not received any response. Even if we have already held a funeral for him, we hope that the day will come that we can bury his body. We also never received the funds the governor of Kinshasa promised the relatives of victims because we haven’t received any documents from the morgue showing that the body of our nephew was brought there.

A witness told Human Rights Watch about the killing of a police officer during the demonstrations on September 19:

I saw the protesters attack the headquarters of the PPRD youth league, and as they advanced, the policeman who was guarding the building tried to resist instead of fleeing. The large crowd of protesters threw rocks at him and then set him on fire.

A Congolese journalist said that he and a colleague were detained while filming the protests on September 19:

I was filming demonstrators burning tires and barricading the street when a police truck arrived at the scene. I approached a police officer to ask him whether we could continue filming. He agreed but told me he was surprised to see me in a red zone. Later, intelligence agents arrived and told the police officer not to let me film them. The intelligence officers then asked us to identify ourselves and show our authorization to film. They took our identity cards and then told us we were arrested. They brought us to a police office, where we were held for several hours before being released. They never returned our IDs.

A human rights activist who was arrested on September 19 while observing the demonstrations with his colleagues described what happened:

Military police followed us into a house where we were trying to take cover as shots were being fired. They then ordered me to follow them and made me get in their truck. About a dozen other people were arrested with me. They drove us to a military camp, and there they took my watch, shoes and belt. I counted 121 people arrested. They identified us individually from 2 p.m. to 11 p.m. and then proceeded to interrogate us. One of the officers allowed me to use his phone so I could alert my colleagues. We spent the night on the floor. They let me go on Wednesday [September 21].

A police officer told Human Rights Watch that six bodies with bullet wounds were found on the shores of the Congo River in Kinshasa’s Kinsuka neighborhood on September 21:

We received information that four bodies were discovered in the morning - two young boys, one girl and a young man. All had bullet wounds. In the early evening, two other bodies of young boys with bullet wounds were discovered. The prosecutor in charge asked us to push the bodies back into the water so they would sink. We did as we were told.

Other witnesses confirmed to Human Rights Watch that they saw dead bodies along the shores of the river in Kinsuka in the days and weeks after the September protests. One witness said that the police and Red Cross took some of the bodies away in a bus. 

December 17, 2016 (KHARTOUM) - The African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights (ACHPR) this week condemned the arrest of several Sudanese human rights defenders and urged Khartoum to free them.

Chairman of the Sudan Social Development Organization (SUDO) Mudawi Ibrahim Adam (www.democracyandsecurity.org)

Nearly two weeks ago the National Intelligence and Security Services (NISS) arrested a Khartoum University Professor Mudawi Ibrahim Adam, his driver Adam El-Sheikh, and Akram Ahmed another rights activist repeatedly harassed by the security agent.

Adam's was arrested on 7 December after a first three-day protest from 27 to 29 November and before a call for a second general strike on 19 December.

"The Special Rapporteur notes that the constant arrests and detention of human rights defenders by security forces of the Republic of The Sudan is a tactic used by the Sudanese authorities to obstruct the work of human right defenders and activist, in their promotion and protection of human rights," said the ACHPR in a statement issued on 13 but extended to the ST on Saturday.

The rapporteur further condemned the detention of Sudanese human rights defenders and called on the government to "provide clarification" over the arrest of the three defenders to the ACHPR which is a quasi-judicial body established by the African Union to promote and protect human rights.

The "Immediately release all human rights defenders arbitrarily arrested and to refrain from repeatedly summoning, questioning and detaining human rights defenders; including Dr Mudawi Ibrahim Adam and Mr. Akram Ahmed," stressed the statement .

Sudan is a signatory of African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights since 1982, accordingly it has the obligations to guarantee fundamental rights including the right to "liberty and security of the person and to be protected from arbitrary arrests and detention; the rights to freedom of association, assembly and expression".

Following the announcement of a new austerity plan increasing fuel and electricity prices last November, NISS arrested over 40 opposition figures and activists to prevent protests against these measures.

(ST)

December 17, 2016 (KHARTOUM) - U.S. government on Friday has expressed concern over Sudan's government “threatening rhetoric” and the crackdown on media in response to calls by Sudanese civil society for civil disobedience.

NISS has recently intensified crackdown on newspapers for publishing news reports and articles on the nationwide civil disobedience act which took place between 27 and 29 November. During the last three weeks, it seized copies of various dailies 23 times.

Also, in his address before a crowd in Sudan's eastern city of Kassala last Monday, Sudanese President Omer al-Bashir threatened to use force against opposition and challenged them to take to the streets if they want to topple his regime.

It is noteworthy that Sudanese activists have launched a wide electronic campaign to mobilize the Sudanese to engage in a second civil disobedience action on December 19th to protest recent austerity measures.

Several opposition forces and armed groups expressed support for the general strike and called upon their affiliates to play an active role to ensure its success.

In a press statement on Friday, U.S. States Department spokesperson Mark Toner urged Sudan's government to “respond to protesters with restraint, and encourage Sudanese authorities to take all necessary steps to allow citizens to exercise their right to freedom of expression”.

The statement reiterated Washington's concern “about the detention, apparently without charge, of a number of opposition political leaders and human rights advocates”, urging the government “to stop seizing newspapers and engaging in other forms of censorship of those who report on, or express, political views”.

Following the government decision to raise fuel and electricity price on November 3rd, the National Intelligence and Security Services (NISS) launched a large arrest campaign and detained more than 40 opposition figures from the Sudanese Congress Party (SCoP) , National Umma Party (NUP), Sudanese Communist Party (SCP), Arab Ba'ath Party, National Alliance Forces (NAF) as well as civil society activists and journalists.

Meanwhile, Sudan's Foreign Ministry has described the U.S. States Department's statement as “inaccurate and unobjective” stressing his government's keenness to maintain security and preserve lives and property of citizens.

In statement released Saturday, Foreign Ministry spokesperson Gharib Allah Khidir said Sudan's constitution guarantees freedom of association, expression and publication in accordance with the laws in force.

“There are more than eighty political parties and twenty daily newspapers that reflect the intellectual and political diversity in the country,” he said.

He pointed to the positive atmosphere witnessed by the political arena, saying the implementation of the national dialogue outcome would help achieve sustainable development and the peaceful transfer of power.

(ST)

How can the alternative media be strengthened and sustainably harnessed?

By Mohamed S. M. Yassin

Sudan is a conflict-affected and protracted crises reality where the media is facing enormous challenges, constraints and soft process of polarization. The Media under the regime of Sudan is progressively undergoing a process of securitization and adopting sophisticated numbing tactics and modalities. Freedom of expression in Sudan is twisted by a Sudanese apartheid regime, directly governing the state for almost three decades during which most of the independent media operated and replaced, displaced or forced to silence. The Regime is aggressively conducting and implementing a sort of empowerment policies for those who share or inline with its Islamo-Arabization orientation and disempowerment of all those who are rejecting this so-denominated civilization project in all the media outlets, read, listened and seen and recently trying to expand its cultural oppression to the digital media domain as well. Sudanese communities are excluded, numbed and deprived from the right to have free information and diversity of media outlets as a fundamental right of expression and assembly. Therefore, a community media as an alternative media strengthening and support mechanisms in the Sudanese protracted crises and conflict-affected territories is an imperative necessity for this dire reality. In today's world and with special emphasis on dilapidated Sudanese contemporary and in the context of the continuous struggle, there is enough knowledge but little courage to address chronic and complex challenges especially in the Media fronts, though there are encouraging signals of mobilization to break the silence and win the fear. Thus, there are attempts of thinking in identifying, selecting and implementing paradigm shifts from the conventional elite media and knowledge sharing to community media, knowledge and experience sharing at large including the average citizen, and furthermore, from State-monopolized media to community-managed media as a necessity and likely basic need for the Sudanese numbed communities. The tyrannical regimes prevailing in Sudan is erecting every possible constraining barriers and denying the access of media houses to that territories targeted by their discriminative, sophisticated modern local apartheid, scorched earth policies and at the same time practicing horrible numbing on its population. This regime has the complete State-owned or para-statal Media monopoly and absolutely do not allow any transmission of whatsoever informative news unless it undergo through rigorous control, often if not always done through dedicated security apparatus. Logically, this gloomy situation necessitates rapid and concrete actions and interventions, in particular additional and alternative media to silence-break and inform a wider public about those inhuman circumstances. Therefore, ad hoc concrete, consistent, constructive and coordinated alternative media strengthening and supportive mechanisms should be put in place to scale-up the existing fragmented and scattered local Sudanese traditional and innovative media agencies serving the local communities. New media supportive and strengthening services can be realized through web-based media tools such as web-radio, web-based TV, as well as Media Networking Smart Mechanisms. This is also possible and obtainable following innovative partnering modality. Shared visionary media projects and programs can be identified, implemented, maintained and sustained with minimum financial and economic costs and maximum social and cultural benefits for the potential partnering stakeholders. For these motivations multi-player projects, programs can be suggested in a shifting and evolving vision of media knowledge and experience sharing. Thus, participated media support projects and programs should prioritise to be SMART, simple, miserable, actionable, result-based, and time-bounded. The principal requirements for the success and sustainability of relative and relevant proposals can be identified in hard and soft infrastructures frameworks in addition to the voluntary human resource and political will. The inter-university international cooperation and community solidarity for development, among other actors can play major and proactive role in the Sudanese transformational shifts, change and beyond.

As already known, for decades and decades in the African continent and in particular in Sudan prior to its political split, and even till today people have been living in dire humanitarian situations under the eyes and conscious of the entire world except for the Numbed Sudanese themselves. The armed conflicts and successive civil wars have reduced some Sudanese communities to the limits, especially in the deprived areas. The combined marginalization and oppression witnessed are aggravating factors especially in situation of absent, silent or silenced media. Currently, many Sudanese territories are hardly accessible and completely isolated from the media world for diversity of reasons and constraints.

Even the humanitarian organizations are not allowed to denounce and voice out the deteriorating and dire situations in terms of food and nutrition insecurity, absence of reliable education structures and systems, complete lack of sanitary and health infrastructure, resource grabbing, money laundering, green-washing, social and environmental injustice and exclusion, poor governance mechanisms, not to talk about the tragic daily aerial bombardment causing massive displacements towards all the domestic and neighbouring countries, continental and intercontinental mass migration and exodus.

Especially, in the marginalized and impoverished territories, in urban slums, rural dwells, peripheral rural-urban outskirts, refugee's camps as well as reaching the populations under siege in the caves, wondering in the bush, forests, mountains and valleys. An impelling media hard and soft infrastructures are needed to be a disseminative base for just peace, social justice and cohesion, rule of law, respect of universal human rights, democratic transformation and smooth transition from warring mentalities to peaceful and co-liveable spirits, and above all human dignity restitution. The innovative social digital media and ICT can assist in that prospective and would play a proactive role in the service of the Sudanese communities and within the continent and around the globe. To address this challenging reality, there is a need to identify, suggest and implement practical solutions to this problematic scenario, considering the context specificity of the deteriorating Sudan.

Alternative media have historically been a central force in social change. However, they do not uniformly subvert the hierarchies of access that have always been fundamental to mainstream media. In fact, the media or journalistic norms and routines have always drawn on the professional standards of the mainstream. The perception of 'mainstream' and 'alternative' as a misconception arguing that they have always existed on the same continuum and continue to converge [1]. In conflict-borne realities, alternative activist and community-managed media can play the role of the mainstream conventional media and the digital revolution is paving the pathways to the attainment and accomplishment of this affinity.

Media is related to different communication typologies, for instance, in scientific communications, communicating to the public involve three main groups of actors (scientist, journalist and the public) [2]. Likewise, in isolated conflict-affected areas, the communication mainly involves politicians (militarized or civil), ITC professionals and the dynamic public (communities). Media is a medium for the human development structuring, conduction and performance maintenance. As long as the human development is a process of enlarging people's choices—as they acquire more capabilities and enjoy more opportunities to use those capabilities to enhance well-being. Media is entrusted to inform the persons about the essence of the human development and that it their development implies that people are not only beneficiaries of development, but must influence the process that shapes their lives. Media is entrusted to inform and form the collective conscious about the rights to development in social, environmental and economic dimension, and importantly that in all this, economic growth is an important means to human development, but not the goal as there is no automatic link between economic growth and human development. In today's world, the Media is shouldered by more responsibilities of surpassing the limits of not only informing and influencing but to providing elements of information rights and ownership.

Some consideration and appreciation also should be spent on the role of the International Media present in Sudan, though some of them are donor-driven media, who sometimes reports on the Sudanese dire reality, while keeping low profiles and sometimes being anodyne in their reporting or operation in consideration of not to be expelled. International media correspondents suffer a lot in getting their permission or license realized and renewed, and in many times they are denied the free movement within the country, which is a typical regime blackmailing and corrupted tactics.

In Sudan, there is complex dilemma of lack of peace, security, and stability associated with a participated sustainable development and appropriate governance aggravated by lack of deliberative democracy and respect of the basic and fundamental human rights. The government is calling for peace while at the same time contradicting itself by igniting wars against its own populations. Calling and imposing securitized cordon on itself while its security apparatus is jeopardizing the security of its opponents by jailing and sending them to pseudo-voluntary exile or at least neutralizing or silencing them through fear and terror. The regime is trading stability while destabilizing elsewhere. It is pretending democracy through falsified electorate and buying and selling supportive pseudo-opponents. It is deceiving the governance system through decorative figures entrusted to reflect an apparent diversity and participation in the governance mechanisms. Arrogantly and falsely defending the human rights while filling its jails, detention and torture centres with thousands and thousands of opponents and political rivals and rejecters to its injustice and barbaric assaults on public wealth and authority. It is evident that the regime is adapting and adopting oppressive tactics, strategies and deliberated policies of igniting and sustaining conflicts in the country to trade on it. Knowing that the conflict avails a disabling environment for the Sudanese who are calling for their rights in development and justice, but continue to deepen and widening it. For staying in that dilemma and limbo, it is exercising numbing and regime oriented propagandistic state-and para-statal media. Therefore, the alternative Media, especially the social and community based media, are vital for the Sudanese communities who are exposed to cultural transient and transformational environments and deserve to be included in enabling and empowering information technology and communication projects and programs, which will allow and enhance their capability expressions for full economical, social, political and cultural inclusion and participation in non deprivable developmental arena.

Departing from a previously published paper on the alternative media strengthening and support mechanism in African protracted crises and conflict-affected territories: can paradigm shifts assist and relief?, a paper presented by Mohamed Yassin and Renato Kizito and published in the proceedings of the III Congress of the Italian University network for development Universities (CUCS2013) held in Torin, Italy 19-21 September 2013. The theme was imagining cultures of cooperation: university networking to face the new development challenges. In our Sudanese case, we have not embarked in the old development process to indulge in the new development challenges, which are touching and affecting the Sudanese population. The Author is writing a discussion working paper on the role of the alternative media in Sudan and posing some questions on how can the alternative media be supported, enhances, strengthened, sustainably sustained to play its role.

Media knowledge sharing and education does not necessary travel hand in hand with the major Media Freedom and the wealth of the nations does not necessarily reflect media freedom and immunity from manipulations.

This introductory abstract and concepts are circulated to stakeholders for participation in answer the following questions. Answers could be sent written, orally registered, or through direct interviews and e-consultations or in a format of storytelling and experience sharing. The expected feedbacks will be elaborated and shared with public upon completion. The methodology to be adapted and adopted and followed for the extension of this discussion working paper is a blend of direct experience and observations of the Author, simple open-ended ad hoc questionnaire basing through e-consultation and posting in digital media outlets; and lastly but not least semi-structured interviews with privileged informants.

The direct experience of the author will be reported in a sort of story telling additional to others to be narrated by the other and engaged stakeholders, being from and living in protracted crises and conflict-affected territory in Sudan and neighbouring countries. Worth to mention that, the protracted crises and conflict-affected territories are characterized by the longevity and succession of crises, prevalence of aid flow and fragile economic and food and nutrition security status.

The questionnaire is composed of seven core compulsory questions and 2 optional enquiries. The core questions asked are the following:
1. What role can the alternative media play in Sudan?
2. Do you agree that the Alternative Media is playing major roles than the conventional Media? If yes, please explain.
3. How can the Alternative Media be strengthened and sustainably supported?
4. How can the International Media engage with or assist in supporting the Sudanese Alternative Media?
5. How do you evaluate the Sudanese alternative media position in terms of ICT and e-learning specially in the context of the protracted-crises and conflict-affected realities?
6. Do you agree that Media Knowledge and Experience sharing are effective in pushing towards major Mediatisation and Mass Communication Educational Scaling-up? If yes, please explain
7. Do you know any sort of innovative social Media, capacity building, ITC and or e-learning instrument applicable in protracted-crises and conflict-affected realities?

While the optional enquiries were:
8. What sort of improvement and/or inquiry can be added to the questionnaire provided?
9. Do you have any additional inquiry to add? If yes, what is it?

Other complimentary questions:
What are the requirements to create effective and efficient functional alternative media?
What are the potentials of the alternative media?
What type of professionalism is needed to create and support the alternative media?
What are the major missions of the writing, web-broadcasting, photo and video journalist?
Why are journalists frequently in marathon behind the authorities and reporting what they deem suitable, instead of adopting professionalism and non-biasness?
What are the reasons behind the under and misreporting?
Why do some journalists use their media power to shine or gloom rivals?
How to isolate the useless Media operators, and place the suitable person in the right positions?
Why does governments avail all the state Media apparatus only to the journalist expressing their mainstream lines?

Methodology:
The questionnaire will be sent to targeted stakeholders, and posted in the personal social media and web page related to the principal author and blogs of the participants. Respondent to the questionnaire have had sufficient but limited time to formulate their answers and sent it back. The responses are expected to be satisfactory enough, in particular from those who are active in the Alternative and Activist Media. Alternative and Activist New Media [3] could be a suitable outlet in protracted crises and conflict affected Sudanese realities.
While the semi-structured interviews will be conducted via skype (teleconference program) with expert journalists in the Diaspora, and if possible to carry it with another journalists in the war-affected areas in case of overcoming the logistical and security constraint.

The wider public in the social media (Personal Facebook and Twitter pages and You-tube of the Author) is expected to react to the questions with likes, shares and comments.
The time will be major constraint to collect many answers and revert backs. However, the will be told stories, returned questionnaires, and conductible interviews will be sufficient to address the themes put on the table for this e-consultation.
One of the shortcoming and limitation of the questionnaire is that it is formulated in English language, which might be difficult for some potential respondents, and if possible it will be translate that in local languages, however, the author does not have very limited time and means to carry that task.

Internet links to the event and author digital posting will be reported in the questionnaire [4].

Of course the Alternative Media is playing major roles than the conventional Media. Alternative media has proven to challenge existing powers, to represent marginalized groups, and to foster horizontal linkages among communities of interest. Its dimensions in this case we talk of its content, aesthetic, modes of production, modes of distribution, and audience relations has given the reality on the ground unlike what we consume from the mainstream media. The convectional media has been playing to the gallery of its commercial interest or the government manipulation without key interest of championing for the human rights. Communication scholar Robert W. McChesney [5], inspired in part by the work of Chomsky [6] and Herman [7], has linked the failures of the mainstream press primarily to corporate ownership, pro-corporate public policy, and the myth of "professional journalism." He has published extensively on the failures of the mainstream press, and advocates scholarship in the study of the political economy of the media, the growth of alternative media, and comprehensive media policy reforms.” Alternative media are important because they can reach everybody and can be used by everybody with minimal training, and in certain difficult conditions they can gather and disseminate information that the institutional media cannot or do not want to access.”

Actually, the alternative media has played great and influential role in transforming the society in North Africa and specially in contexts where there are oppressive regimes denying freedom of expression and basic and fundamental rights, access to media and gagging and harassing journalists. In realities such as Sudan, the number of Social Media users was very limited, but it is efficient and effective and used by activists inside and outside the country. Through the Social media and personal websites, the information become available even for users in very remote areas and villages, through the phones connected to satellite internet, digital remote webcams, and the world has become ever connected with that remote areas not like in the past. So any change or notable event become widely disseminated and diffused within no time and transmitted consequently. The current social mobilization, strikes, students uprising and protest, and civil disobedience the Sudanese are using the social Media in growing numbers and that will lead to a benchmark and critical momentum to accomplish an inspired change. But this process is an accumulative process and its impacts will need time and resources.

For instance, in Egypt, Tunis, and other aggressive and oppressive regimes, the youth gained and took advantage of the available social media and achieved and developed great communication capacities and led the wide public through that innovative instruments of the social media, so the social media constituted alternative media counter opposing the regimes mainstream conventional media. Despite of the close surveillance and controls by those authoritarian regimes, some external institutional arrangements assisted those youth and activists and through certain systems of codifications and creation of alternative nicknames and fantasy modalities, they managed to communicate effectively and timely. So, substantially, the alternative media is becoming popular and playing a role of the mainstream conventional areas and continue to do so and that will lead to tangible change in the Sudanese reality.

In Sudan Alternative Mass communication is essentially depending on the financial availability and support and willingness to build the capacities of the needy. For example, there are no means and instruments such as cameras, laboratories, training materials, to prepare capable medial professionals, furthermore, recently the universities have lost their spirit of conducing genuine preparations of their students, and limited the freedom of research and journalistic investigation, and by that the universities become only universities in names without much substances, eluding the students and wasting precious time and resources of the students. In the past the students used to prepare concrete projects and participate in the public awareness and social enlightening, combat the socially destructive habits such as the FGM, conducing scientific and practical tours to the remote areas and even to Europe, but the students are mobilized for ideological and religious governmental interests. Add to that the teachers are increasing leaving the country and migrating to the Arab countries in scandalous human resource grabbing, and those who remain are not sufficiently dedicated and less qualified to carry their mission.

Generally, the Alternative Media be strengthened and supported by:
a. Empowering the community to learn the skill of storytelling to increase the content of the alternative media.
b. Replacing the current libertarian media model with one that operates democratically, rather than for profit
c. Strengthening public service broadcasting
d. Incorporating the use of alternative media into a larger discourse
e. Increasing the role of citizen journalism
f. Turning a passive audience into active participants
g. Using mass media to promote democratic ideals
h. Training and popular education.
i. Training of trainers, in absence of pollicised governments, oppressive security and intelligence apparatus
j. Formation of small clubs and information points with a minimal technical support that with a minimal cost can be sources of knowledge and information.
k. Through direct donations
l. Building websites as platforms for alternative media outlets
m. Facilitate accessibility to the world wide web
n. Upload ready contributions
o. Enhance and encourage data and information collection and correspondence
p. Protect the activist by obscuring the physical locations
q. Diffuse songs, short stories, novels, news, photos
r. Train in the main journalistic capacities such as interviewing capacities, public opinion
collection, news gathering, journalistic investigation
s. Offering jobs in media houses and encourage popular journalism
t. Build capacities in photo and video journalism, Event organisation coverage
u. Research for original and historic cultural master pieces of song, poetry and heritage
v. Provision of useful electronic links
w. Moral support
x. Constructive criticism
y. Organization of workshops and symposium and constitution of panel of experts and
stakeholders to deeply address that challenging and imperative Media domain.
z. ….
aa. Erect institutions to defend the alternative media and their defenders.

In summary, from the previous brief participatory action research, emerged that the Alternative Media is becoming more popular in protracted crises and conflict-affected territories, such as the current South Sudan. There are plenty and blended strengthening and supporting mechanism, and there are many ways of enhancing it through the International Inter-university cooperation and solidarity, which can play a proactive role in boosting such enabling pathways. As previously the participants in the mentioned paper on the alternative media recommend organization of workshops and symposium and constitution of panel of experts and stakeholders to deeply address that challenging and imperative media domain, still this proposal remain valid and urgent.

With the advancement and improvements in the ICT tools, some states and particularly the Regime in Sudan exploited these major technological and digital advancements in processes of control and monitory of activist and crackdown on the opponents' media outlets and social media personal pages. The regime has been investing in recruiting operators to discourage, distract and diverge opponents and erected what is called the electronic jihadist, but there is growing popular rejects and isolation of those operators nicknamed the “Electronic Hens”. Actually the alternative media stakeholders should think strategies to intervene electronically and remotely when the Regime blocks or slowdown the Internet connection. It is true that the improvements in the ICT has capacitated the Regime to control and monitor and the opponents to the regime sometime confiscating their tools, instruments, computers and obscuring some websites and practicing sophisticated censorship, however, also the advancement in the ITC has provided platforms to the counterpart to inflict victories over the regime and the regimes recent public discourse has provided evidence that the regime is fearing the alternative media too much and gathering resources to crackdown on it. The regime is working for the collapse of mainstream media of their opponents and by reducing its profitability through the augmentation of the production costs and post-production-confiscations and knowing that will result in greatly reduced budgets for news gathering and dumbing down across the sector, this is further worsened by the cost and complexity of trying to operate in places like the Sudan, which is considered by the Regime as their sole and exclusive territory.

Though the wide spread social media are covering wide spectrum of the Sudanese population, but still it is not covering a critical mass or reaching a benchmark to overweight the prevailing one. It has limited temporal and spatial coverage and the people are suffering limitation of resources and time-constraints to follow all what occurs in the social media. If we consider the Facebook, it has the limit of 5000 co-users or friends, but that might have the accumulative effect and impact considerable number of community members, especially when the messages or posts are shared in groups and groups of groups. Still the twitter is more effective and efficient in reaching wider number, but it has its limit in the telegraphic length of the message limiting it to 140 characters, we have also the Instagram and the YouTube Channels but that are not massively used. To increase the coverage, the alternative media should move better and up-scape and out-scale its reach. Media in the IDP and refugees camps is important and the experience of Nuba report, Aien and filmmakers are useful experiences and need to be taken as good practices, among others, which are capable in generating public opinion. Now the alternative media can restore to the live broadcasting and pre-registered voice or video messages, and that might be effective and efficient tool for mass communication through the alternative media outlets. The Sudanese social alternative media should pass from the individualism, regionalism, localism, social classes and other forms or socio-economic and geographic aggregations to the collectivism to reflect major representation and deliberative voices.

All in all, also Sudan is gradually embarking the post-factual digital economy and media with the new forms of social media replacing considered journalism, and the Sudanese Alternative media will progress and gain momentum even after the tyrannical regime change. Let us hope and work together so that the alternative media play its complementary or substitutive role in yielding the inspired comprehensive change, through genuine solidarity and for inclusive prosperity.

Department of Agro-food, Environmental and Animal Sciences (D4A), University of Udine, Italy,Personal e-mail: yassintowers@gmail.com

By Ban Ki-moon

This year marks the fifth anniversary of the world's newest country, South Sudan. I attended the 2011 independence celebrations in the capital city of Juba. Hopes were high that the long-suffering people of the oil-rich country would finally see the fruits of a peace dividend after a prolonged civil war. Instead, the people of South Sudan now face a more dismal anniversary. This week marks three years since the country plunged into fighting with a terrible and mounting toll.

Tens of thousands have been killed. The social fabric of South Sudan has been shattered. The economy is in ruins. Millions have been displaced from their homes. Hunger and poverty are rampant.

Today, more than 6 million people in South Sudan require life-saving aid. As the conflict intensifies, that number is rapidly growing. Meanwhile, restrictions imposed by the Government of South Sudan on the U.N. Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) and humanitarian organizations continue to tighten.

The people of South Sudan held out hope after independence following decades of war. Yet their leaders bear the primary responsibility of betraying the people's trust and bringing the country to ruins and more misery.

President Salva Kiir has pursued an ethnically-based strategy to suppress dissent, muzzle the media, exclude significant South Sudanese actors in the peace process and unilaterally implement an agreement to reach elections. Fighting has now spread across the country.

At the same time, actions by South Sudanese leaders including Riek Machar and other armed opposition actors are intensifying the conflict and manipulating ethnicity for political gain.

The risk of these mass atrocities, which include recurring episodes of ethnic cleansing, escalating into possible genocide is all too real.

South Sudan WFP site looted

Yet while the people of South Sudan suffer, the Security Council and the region stand divided. This has merely allowed time to mobilize resources to continue the slaughter.

Given the scale of this disaster, the United Nations Security Council, regional organizations and the international community must step up to their responsibility. Key actors, such as former Malian president Alpha Oumar Konaré—the African Union High Representative for South Sudan—have made significant efforts. But we must all do more to end this crisis.

I have taken a number of decisions to improve the performance of UNMISS itself. Yet simply reinforcing this peacekeeping mission to better perform and protect civilians will not end the conflict. There must be a political solution.

This means there must be a cessation of hostilities, followed by a genuinely inclusive political process. If this does not happen immediately, the Security Council should impose an arms embargo and targeted sanctions to change the calculations of the parties and convince them to choose the path of peace.

In addition, accountability is crucial so that those responsible for these despicable crimes face justice—from the highest levels to the foot soldiers following orders.

Time is running out as the warring parties ready themselves for another vicious cycle of violence after the end of the rainy season. The responsibility for restoring an inclusive dialogue is squarely on all the leaders of the country.

If they fail, the international community, the region, and the Security Council in particular, must impose penalties on the leadership on both sides. We owe this to the people of South Sudan, who have suffered far too much, for far too long.

Ban Ki-moon is the outgoing U.N. Secretary-General. He will step down on December 31 and be replaced by António Guterres