Africa

March 31, 2017 (KHARTOUM) - Sudan on Friday rejected a new U.S. travel advisory warning against Americans visiting the country describing it as “contradictory and non-objective”.

Sudan's foreign ministry building in Khartoum (SUNA)

On Thursday, the Department of State issued a new warning to U.S. citizens not to travel to Sudan “due to the risks of terrorism, armed conflict and violent crime”.

“Terrorist groups are active in Sudan and have stated their intent to harm Westerners and Western interests through suicide operations, bombings, shootings and kidnappings,” it said.

“Violent crimes targeting Westerners, including kidnappings, armed robberies, home invasions, and carjacking occur everywhere in Sudan but are particularly prevalent in the Darfur region,” it added.

“U.S. citizens should also “avoid all travel" to Blue Nile and Southern Kordofan states, two other hotspots in Sudan,” it further said.

In a press release on Friday, Sudan's Foreign Ministry spokesperson Gharib Allah Khidir denounced the U.S. warning saying it did not take into consideration the important developments and the great transformations witnessed by his country.

He said the warning ignores “the reality of the situation in Sudan, which has seen several recent visits by the former U.S. envoy to Darfur, Blue Nile and South Kordofan”, pointing to the visit of the United Kingdom and European Union envoys to Darfur.

“Also, an American delegation has recently visited Abyei as well as visits by a number of other delegations from various countries of the world” read the press release
The Sudanese army has been fighting Sudan People's Liberation Movement/North (SPLM-N) rebels in South Kordofan and Blue Nile states, also known as the Two Areas since 2011 and a group of armed movements in Darfur since 2003.

Khidir added that the warning has no “objective justification”, saying it “contradicts with the reports of the United Nations, African Union and Arab League which confirmed the establishment of security and stability in Darfur and the Two Areas”.

“Claims that there are terrorist groups in Sudan are contradictory to all praise and appreciation offered by the head of the CIA and other senior U.S. officials to Sudan's government estimated efforts and great cooperation on counter-terrorism and counter-violent extremism and its clear role in maintaining regional peace and security,” further read the press release.

The foreign ministry urged the Department of State “to conduct a substantive review of the inaccurate information on which the “negative warnings” were based, pointing to the ongoing positive dialogue which aims to normalise ties and serve the higher interests of the two countries.

It stressed that Sudanese security apparatus is ready and vigilant to protect the security and stability of the country and provide full protection to visitors from all over the globe.

The foreign ministry underlined that the Sudanese government would continue to establish security and peace throughout the country, pointing to unilateral ceasefire declared by President Omer al-Bashir and the national dialogue.

Sudan was placed on the U.S. terrorism list in 1993 over allegations it was harbouring Islamist militants working against regional and international targets.

Last January, former President Barack Obama eased the 19-year economic and trade sanctions on Sudan. The decision came as a response to the collaboration of the Sudanese government on various issues including the fight against terrorism.

Nonetheless, the East African remains in the U.S terror list since August 12, 1993.

Khartoum at the time was accused of harbouring al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden.
Earlier in March, U.S. President Donald Trump included the Sudan in a new travel ban on six Muslim-majority countries, saying the east African country still harbours elements linked to terrorist groups.

However, a U.S. judge has halted Trump's travel ban.

The Security Council today extended the mandate of the United Nations mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) for another year but reduced the number of troops.

Welcoming the Somali Federal Parliament’s approval of a new cabinet, the United Nations envoy for the country expressed hope that the new Government will be able to address the challenges confronting the Horn of Africa nation.

President Zuma's midnight sacking of his finance minister will have long repercussions, writes the BBC's Milton Nkosi.

March 30, 2017 (WAU) – Dr Samson Samuel Wassara, the Vice Chancellor of the University of Bahr el Ghazal has distanced himself from the strike currently taking place.

Bahr el Ghazal students protesting at the UN main Gate in Wau, March 12, 2014 (ST)

In an interview with the Vice Chancellor on Thursday, Wassara told Sudan Tribune that the order of remittance of the casual labour transport allowance was a directive from the undersecretary from the Ministry of Higher Education directing the University's Deputy Vice Chancellor of administration to stop paying the workers.

According to the Vice Chancellor, the letter directed to the University said there was nothing like transport allowances allocated to any University in the country, despite the University of Bahr el Ghazal which had it as on a payroll system.

Wassara said if the strike continued, the Ministry of Higher Education would be responsible in addressing the matter and the workers at the University has the right to claim for their needs.

The Vice Chancellor explained that he was not aware of any abnormality in the budget. He went on to say that the University's pay sheet he received was not written by the undersecretary address to the Vice Chancellor for the administration of the University of Bahr el Ghazal indicating that the column of transport allowances did not exist in any of the University's in the country.

Wassara responded to the workers' demands on transportation allowances including promotion since last year 2016.

“When these things reached us, I asked the Deputy Vice Chancellor for the administration to address the matter in which the trade union at the University was highlighted over the matter earlier on 28 December 2016,” said Wassara.

“For sure, the obliteration of this transport allowance from the workers has affected them because it was the money they were receiving but it is not our own made, it was a directives from the undersecretary for higher education from Juba,” added the Vice Chancellor.

Wassara said if the Ministry of Higher Education failed to response, it would be on the workers at the University of Bahr el Ghazal to either continue with their strike or form a committee that would visit the office of the undersecretary at the Ministry of Higher Education.

Wassara added that his administration did not have the money to negotiate about the transport allowance.

The strike which started on 27 March 2017 has now paralyzed the academic situation of the University as classes including stationeries remain closed. This has left students without a study venues during the approaching examination period.

Peter Mario, the University Trade Union Secretary said the strike would continue until the University's administration settles the staff's grievances.

“We are striking because the administration's decision to deduct our transportation allowance but if the money if paid back to us today, we will stop the strike,” said Mario.

Mario further said they were getting allowances but only required transport allowances.

(ST)

March 30, 2017 (JUBA) – Deng Kuac Aduol, the governor of Gogrial state in South Sudan has issued several orders appointing new officials.

The move is seen as an effort on the governors' part to complete the formation of his administration since his appointment.

Governor Aduol, who is also known as Gen. Gregory Vasilli issued two separate orders appointing cabinet ministers. Magir Aru Luach has been appointed the Minister of Social Welfare and Jong Anthony Deng Jong was appointed the Minister of Animal Resources and Fisheries.

Other officials, including a representative of the Sudan People's Liberation Movement in Opposition (SPLM-IO) under the leadership of the First Vice President Taban Deng Gai, and other parties were also appointed.

(ST)

March 30, 2017 (KHARTOUM) - Ethiopia and Sudan have successfully secured the release of three oil workers abducted recently by the rebel SPLM-In-Opposition in the neighbouring South Sudan.

"The vigorous efforts that have been made by Sudanese government in full coordination with the Ethiopian security services and all relevant parties, resulted in the release of the captured (oil workers), " said Ahmed Abdel Bagui, Director of the Department of Consulates in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in statements he made at the Khartoum airport Thursday.

The SPLM-IO issued two separate statements earlier this month to claim the capture of Pakistani and Indian oil workers in Guelguok north, of Adar in the Northern Upper Niles.

The armed group which seeks to stop oil production had warned foreigners and national oil workers to stop risking their lives in oil production areas.

The foreign ministry in a written statement given to reporters at Khartoum airport after the arrival of the three released hostages said Sudan had requested by Indian and Pakistani governments to mediate the release of its kidnapped workers.

The released hostages are "Ambross Edward and Muggy Vijaya Boopathy from India and Elias Hussain Gamal of Pakistan" further said the statement.

The three oil workers arrived in Khartoum through Addis Ababa and have been handed over to their respective embassies in Khartoum, said the statement without further details.

(ST)

(Nairobi) – Military and civilian authorities in western Rwanda have arrested, beaten, or threatened people who challenged recent government decisions to force residents off their land, Human Rights Watch said today.

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The arrest of Oscar Hakundimana in Nyamyumba, on December 7, 2016, after he voiced objection to a government decision to force 30 families off their lands. 

© 2016 Private

One case involves a long-standing land dispute in Nyamyumba, Rubavu district, where local authorities have begun forcing residents off their agricultural land in favor of another family with a disputed claim to the land. The other involves the construction of a new so-called “model village” in Kivumu, Rutsiro district, where some residents who will be forced to leave their land raised concerns about what they see as insufficient compensation.

“Threats, arrests or beatings are no way to handle a situation in which people are losing their land and livelihoods,” said Ida Sawyer, Central Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “The government’s goals to settle land disputes and modernize villages are legitimate, but trampling on the rights of those most affected who express their fears for their land and their livelihood is not.”

Between January and March 2017, Human Rights Watch interviewed more than 20 residents of Kivumu and Nyamyumba and others knowledgeable about the cases, and observed and analyzed court proceedings relating to the cases.

The government intimidated, threatened, or, on some occasions, beat the few residents who criticized the government, even moderately. Officials arrested prominent community members and charged them with inciting insurrection, warning other residents not to speak out and generating a chilling effect throughout the community.

Many people who work their land for a living fear that the government-imposed solution would threaten their livelihoods. In the two cases in Nyamyumba and Kivumu, the local government imposed a solution without the full informed consent or participation of residents, and without the involvement of any judicial or otherwise independent authority to provide a fair process for adjudicating disputes, Human Rights Watch found.

In Nyamyumba, although a powerful family had longtime claims to the land, residents who farmed the land had in recent years been given land titles. One of them won a court case against the family. But in November 2016, the mayor of the district of Rubavu ordered 30 families to leave their land. Several meetings were held in the area, in which residents were threatened and prevented from speaking out. Local civilian and military authorities accused farmers who fled their villages in fear of arrest of being rebels.

When a community leader, Oscar Hakundimana, objected to the mayor’s decision, he was arrested on December 7 and charged with rebellion and inciting insurrection. Residents who protested his arrest were beaten. His trial started on March 28, 2017.

In Kivumu, preparations have begun to construct a “model village,” a centralized settlement in which four families will share a modern home that is provided with basic amenities, such as water and electricity. Residents in the area will be forced to leave their homes and farms to make way for the model village, with varying amounts of compensation. The government plans to create a model village in each of the country’s 30 districts.

While Kivumu residents have welcomed some aspects of the plan to build a modern village, many say that their rights have not been respected during the expropriations process, including the right to free expression, fair compensation, and public participation, and that they fear serious negative consequences for their food security and income when they have to leave their land. Others are not comfortable with the idea of sharing a home with other families, in a grouped settlement. Several residents who attempted to ask questions or raise concerns about the process told Human Rights Watch that local authorities intimidated or threatened them and told them to keep quiet.

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Léonille Gasengayire, native of Kivumu, arrested in 2016 for voicing opposition to land expropriations, prosecuted for inciting insurrection but acquitted by a court on March 23, 2017. 

© 2016 Private

A student and political activist from the region suspected of opposing the plan, Léonille Gasengayire, was arrested in August 2016, and charged with inciting insurrection. Residents who tried to testify on her behalf at her trial were intimidated. A court acquitted and released her on March 23, 2017.

The Rutsiro district mayor told Human Rights Watch that she was not aware of any criticism of the expropriations. The Justice Ministry and other local officials did not respond to repeated requests from Human Rights Watch to discuss its research findings on these two cases.

Rwanda is the most densely populated country in continental sub-Saharan Africa. Land is a scarce resource and has been a cause of tension throughout the country’s history. In 2001, Human Rights Watch published a report on a government policy to regroup Rwandans in government-created villages, employing coercion against those who resisted, resulting in many human rights abuses. Land was often expropriated without due compensation or consultation with the residents, and many Rwandans who spoke openly against the policy or refused to obey were punished by fines or arrest.

“The Rwandan government’s intolerance for dissent goes beyond political opposition leaders, journalists, or human rights activists who dare to report on government abuses,” Sawyer said. “The government can demonstrate its genuine commitment to the basic rights of its people, rights such as freedom of opinion and expression and fair process, by releasing Oscar Hakundimana immediately. It should stop harassing others who have spoken out against the government’s land decisions.”

Land Dispute in Nyamyumba
The land dispute in Rubona cell, Nyamyumba sector, Rubavu district, is intertwined with Rwanda’s history. Following violence and large migrations into and out of Rwanda since the so-called “revolution” in 1959, when ethnic Hutu took over leadership positions after waves of ethnic violence, ownership of the land in the area has been disputed and alternated between the Munyegomba family, whose claim originates prior to 1959 and is currently supported by local authorities, and a group of 140 families who have occupied and farmed the land for many years.

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The disputed land in Nyamyumba sector, Rubavu district.

© 2017 Private

Members of the Munyegomba family fled Rwanda after 1959, and other residents occupied their land. The family returned after the genocide in 1994, when those who had occupied the land in their absence fled to the Democratic Republic of Congo. The residents who had fled returned in 1996 and 1997, to find that the land had been reoccupied.

The Munyegomba family left the land again a few years later, when armed groups with a base in Congo, commonly referred to as “infiltrators,” carried out deadly attacks in Rwanda in the late nineties. The residents who had returned from Congo successfully petitioned the national authorities to get their land back. They again started farming the land, and continued to do so until recent months.

Between 1998 and 2011, the Munyegomba family attempted to reclaim the land through judicial proceedings against a community leader – the father of Oscar Hakundimana – but failed: In appeal, a court ruled that the land belonged to Hakundimana’s father. During the national land registration process, the land of Hakundimana and other residents was registered, and the farmers were given land certificates, despite the Munyegomba family’s opposition.

At the end of 2015, however, local authorities announced during a community meeting that agricultural land belonging to 30 households – an earlier claim concerned 140 households – should be handed over to the Munyegomba family. Three people who voiced their opposition to this announcement, including Oscar Hakundimana, were arrested and released the next day.  

Several other community meetings followed in 2016, at which local authorities continued to press residents to give up their land claims. In August 2016, the police called in 30 people for questioning and briefly detained Hakundimana, who had again publicly refused in a meeting to abandon his land. A local official threatened other residents with arrest.

On November 24, the mayor of Rubavu, Jeremie Sinamenye, came to the village and announced at a community meeting that the 30 households had to leave their land before January 20, 2017. He said they had acquired the land fraudulently, that residents had agreed earlier to leave their land, and that they would have to pay rent if they refused to leave.

During the community meeting, Hakundimana criticized the mayor’s decision. A participant in the meeting later told Human Rights Watch:

Oscar said that the government should respect the law, but that there seemed to be other things going on. He said, “We have legal documents. But now you come to take them. Is it not the same government [who gave us the land titles]?” The mayor responded: “Don’t you know who I am? You have become a rebel against us. I don’t know how I can respond to you.”

The day after the meeting, residents wrote a letter to the provincial and national authorities, asking the governor of the Western province to suspend the mayor’s decision, given that the mayor had ignored their legal land titles.

In an apparent response, soldiers arrested Hakundimana on December 7, 2016. During his arrest, Hakundimana and several others were beaten. One of them later told Human Rights Watch:

The military arrested Oscar and brought him to a military camp. […] When they arrived in our village, those of us who live nearby asked the soldiers: “We’ve heard that you kill people. Did you arrest Oscar just to kill him? We know he is innocent. Why did you arrest him?” The soldiers told us that we are all rebels against the government, and that they cannot tolerate our mistakes. Then they beat us severely with wooden sticks.

Hakundimana has been in pretrial detention ever since. Human Rights Watch research indicates that he was beaten and threatened in prison, in an apparent effort to force him to leave his land.

The prosecutor’s office accused him of asking during the meeting with the mayor which branch of government the mayor represented, and of saying that the Rwandan government detests its population, so the population should also detest the government. During a hearing on March 28, the prosecution also accused him of speaking to the media. Hakundimana denies the accusations and told the judges during a pretrial hearing that he was arrested because of the land dispute and his insistence that his father won a court case about this land, so he could not now surrender his claims to the land.

After Hakundimana’s arrest, several residents fled their homes for several days, fearing arrest. “Police and military are looking for us,” one resident told Human Rights Watch while in hiding. “We feel targeted. We cannot access our fields because the police and military are there. If they find us, they won’t take us to the police; they’ll kill us.”

Residents told Human Rights Watch that they were concerned about the independence of the authorities and afraid of being arrested. One said:

Our opponents come to our farm land and destroy our crops. When we ask questions about this to the authorities, they don’t respond. These other people [who also claim the land] have more power than us. They are supported by the government and can take our crops. We are afraid that, even today, we can be arrested. They accuse us of being members of political parties that are outside of the government.

After some had gone into hiding, the local military commander accused them in a community meeting of joining the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), a largely Rwandan Hutu armed group, based in eastern Congo.

The wife of one of the residents who was targeted said:

It is a problem of money. Our opponents are rich people who have a lot of money, and they are backed by the military and the authorities. They persecute us to get our land. […] They registered my husband on a list of a political party, the PS-Imberakuri [an unregistered opposition party]. But he doesn’t know how this happened. They do this to find evidence to persecute people, to say that they are against the government.

Several residents spoke to the media about their situation and they now fear that the fact they spoke to the media was part of the reason for the repression against them. One was quoted in Kigali Today, a news outlet sympathetic to the government, saying: “We can leave if they compensate us with other land. But how can we give them these lands, as it is those lands that allow us to live?”

Another resident spoke to Voice of America about Hakundimana’s arrest:

These charges that they accused him of are lies. How can he provoke insurrection of
the population against the state when he participates in a meeting by the authorities? They just want to accuse him of false accusations to frighten the other residents.

Hakundimana has been charged with “rebellion” and “inciting insurrection or trouble among the population.” His trial began on March 28, 2017. The judgment is expected on April 26.

In response to a letter from residents, the governor of the Western province visited the area on December 21. Regarding Hakundimana’s arrest, he said, “such a thing does not happen in this country” and that residents cannot be imprisoned for expressing an opinion. He instructed the mayor of Rubavu to find a solution to the dispute. Yet, nearly three months later, the situation has not changed and Hakundimana is still in detention, while his trial is ongoing.

The Rubavu mayor visited the locality after the governor’s visit, but he has not announced how the dispute will be addressed. He did not comment on Human Rights Watch’s findings. 

‘Model Village’ in Kivumu
An area of Buyonyo cell in Rutsiro district’s Kivumu sector is designated for the construction of a new “model village.” According to the district’s performance contract, a contract signed each year between the Rwandan president and the district mayor to set the district’s objectives, the model village will be used to relocate households from zones that are deemed to be high risk for floods or landslides and from scattered settlements. Fifty-seven households were told in August 2016 that they were going to have to leave their land, which would be used to construct the new village.

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Government repression in land cases.

© 2016 John Emerson for Human Rights Watch

Many residents said the compensation they were offered was insufficient. Several told Human Rights Watch that only people with larger plots received compensation, or that the compensation for their houses, land, and crops did not equal the actual value. Some were told that they would be partly compensated with a place in the model village.

Others said that the legal procedures under Rwanda’s 2015 law on expropriations were not followed. The law establishes the procedure for approving expropriations in the public interest and for determining compensation for land, activities carried out on that land, and for the disruption caused by the expropriation. Those affected must be duly informed about a decision to expropriate and must be present during the valuation procedure. The owner of the land can approve or challenge the decision reached by the assessor. The law states that “fair compensation must be paid to the expropriated person before he or she relocates.”

Some residents said that the expropriation of their property without equivalent replacement land creates serious risks for their food security and livelihood. One farmer said: “We really admire the development of our country. But the development of this country should also consider our food security. We cannot live in houses without land to provide for our food.”

Several residents said that living with four families in one house, in a centralized settlement, as will be the case for the model village, is contrary to their traditional and preferred way of living. One farmer said:

These houses in a model village are like a camp. I prefer to be alone in my house, instead of living with others. I won’t be free as before. The community prefers having one house per family, but the government refused. We can’t be against the government, so we accepted, but it’s not by our own will.

Residents told Human Rights Watch that the expropriation procedure took place in a context of insufficient information and intimidation. Several complained that they could not voice their criticism. One farmer said:

Nobody can ask questions about the compensation or the problems about the model village. Members of parliament visited our village. Nobody tried to ask questions because everybody knows that they will be chased away from the village if they ask questions. The whole population is severely intimidated.

Another resident complained about the official in charge of registering properties:

When we ask him something, he responds very angrily. He intimidates us and doesn’t understand. He does the registration by himself and gives the impression that it doesn’t concern us. […] When I asked him about something that was said during a community meeting, he responded: “I didn’t tell you to ask me questions. You shouldn’t listen to other people. I will tell you what will happen.”

When Léonille Gasengayire, a young student activist native of the area, was suspected of speaking out against the expropriation of the land and of demanding fair compensation during a private meeting in August 2016, authorities arrested her and later put her on trial for “inciting insurrection or trouble among the population,” charges she denied.

Several residents told Human Rights Watch that they were forced to testify against Gasengayire. The also said that local government officials tried to prevent defense witnesses from attending her trial.

One resident said that a local government official told them in January 2017: “Nobody has the right to go to court to be a witness for Léonille [Gasengayire]. If there are people who go, they can be killed or have other problems.” Another resident said the same government official had said that residents would not be allowed to return to their village if they had testified on her behalf.

Defense witnesses at first failed to show up during the trial, observed by Human Rights Watch, but later did testify.

Gasengayire’s name was regularly cited in community meetings in an effort to warn other residents not to speak out. One resident who attended such meetings said:

When the authorities come to the village, they say: “You saw the example of Léonille [Gasengayire]. If you refuse to do as we want, you will become like her. We are giving Léonille 18 years in prison.” Léonille has become a song that the local administration sings in front of the community.

During the pretrial hearings, Gasengayire was also accused of promoting the opposition FDU-Inkingi political party. Gasengayire is a member of the party and was briefly arrested in March 2016. Like all but one opposition party in Rwanda, the FDU-Inkingi has been unable to register as a party. While Rwandan law criminalizes the “illegal formation or leadership of a political organization,” Gasengayire was not charged with this offense and her political activities do not appear to have violated Rwandan law.

On March 23, 2017, the judge of the High Court chamber of Rusizi rejected the testimony of the prosecution witnesses and local officials, acquitted Léonille, and ordered her release after seven months in pretrial detention. Human Rights Watch observed the proceedings.

The Rutsiro district mayor told Human Rights Watch that she was not aware of any criticism about the expropriations. “We organized several meetings there and nobody complained,” she said. “Maybe these people are not happy with the value [of the compensation], but they accepted it. There were no threats.” She declined to comment on the arrest and prosecution of Gasengayire.

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President Faustin Archange Touadera of the Central African Republic addresses the 71st United Nations General Assembly in New York, U.S., September 23, 2016.

© 2016 Reuters

One year ago, a rare feeling of hope took hold in the Central African Republic as the new president, Faustin-Archange Touadéra, was sworn in. His administration replaced a transition government that struggled to establish security and stop violence over the previous two years, and his election was a peaceful and legitimate transfer of power, something uncommon in the region.

But a year on the president is trying to quell fighting in the eastern Ouaka province and by some measures the situation is worse than in March 2016. Violence has spread to the northwest, where a new rebel group, called Return, Reclamation, Rehabilitation, or 3R, has killed civilians, raped, and caused large scale displacement. In the central and eastern parts of the country, human rights abuses against civilians are on the rise as fighting between various Seleka groups has increased. In October, Seleka fighters killed at least 37 civilians, wounded 57, and forced thousands to flee when they razed a camp for displaced people in Kaga-Bandoro. Thousands of students throughout Seleka controlled regions cannot study due to the presence of armed groups near their schools.

Touadéra has said repeatedly over the last year that security and justice for serious human rights abuses are priorities for his government. On both scores however, progress has been too slow.

The president took on one of the hardest jobs in the world. The Central African Republic has been in crisis since late 2012, when the mostly Muslim Seleka rebels ousted the government in a coup and committed widespread abuses. In mid-2013 anti-balaka militia formed to oppose the Seleka carried out large scale reprisal attacks against Muslim civilians in Bangui and western parts of the country. The violence killed thousands of people and displaced almost a million, and Seleks factions still control half the country.

As fighting increases, especially in the Ouaka province, the link between violence and justice cannot be overstated. Almost none of those responsible for the widespread human rights abuses have been held accountable. The cycles of impunity have fueled ongoing abuses and emboldened those who seek to take power by force.

The new government took over an overburdened and barely functioning judicial system, already weak before the 2013 outbreak of violence, which needs significant and sustained investment to rebuild. Trials for recent crimes were held under Touadéra’s watch, as well as in 2015, but they exposed serious flaws and weaknesses of the system, including in protecting victims and witnesses.

Since September 2014, the office of the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) has been investigating the situation in the Central African Republic, focusing on alleged crimes in the country since August 2012, the second investigation by the ICC into crimes committed in the country. The government’s cooperation with the ICC is critical, but the ICC’s investigation, which is ongoing, will most likely only target a handful of suspects.

Another system was needed to address serious crimes and in June 2015, the Central African Republic’s then transitional president promulgated a law to establish a Special Criminal Court, consisting of national and international staff, to investigate and prosecute the gravest crimes committed in the country since 2003, including war crimes and crimes against humanity. The Special Criminal Court has the potential to help address more than a decade of serious crimes and help strengthen the justice system overall. More important, after years of impunity, the court offers a real chance to hold abusive commanders to account inside the country and send a warning to would-be abusive leaders that they are being watched.

At a donor conference on the Central African Republic in November, I listened as president Touadéra said, “reconciliation cannot be achieved at the cost of impunity.” The government has indicated its support for the court, but ultimately will need to do more to put this idea into practice. More than 18 months after the law was passed to create the court, investigations have yet to begin, let alone trials.

On February 15, the president appointed Toussaint Muntazini Mukimapa of the Democratic Republic of Congo as special prosecutor of the new court, an important step. However, there are still questions as to the national ownership of the court and the extent to which this tribunal is a priority.

As Touadéra’s reflects on his first year he will undoubtedly be concerned with the plight of civilians in the central and eastern parts of the country as they bear the brunt of continued fighting. But getting the Special Criminal Court up and running is the country’s best chance to break the impunity that drives this violence. The president should show international supporters, including the United Nations, that accountability is a priority in his second year. With a fully operational court by this time next year, abusive leaders may think twice about targeting civilians.  

Lewis Mudge is an Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch.

March 30, 2017 (JUBA) - On Thursday, a long existing South Sudanese political party said it would not participate in the President Salva Kiir's national dialogue unless certain changes were made to reflect the general views of the population.

South Sudanese people take to the streets as part of a peace march organised by civil society groups in the capital, Juba, on 8 January 2014 (Photo AP/Ali Ngethi)

Joseph Modesto, the Secretary General of South Sudan Communist Party, told the Sudan Tribune that his party would not participate in the dialogue unless certain measures were taken by President Kiir.

“When you talk of dialogue, certain measures must indicate that there is a will for dialogue. But look at the current situation in the country, is there anything showing that there is a political will to start this dialogue?" said Modesto

"Our position is that the dialogue process has to be organised by a neutral party. It is not up to the government to determine which parties can go into the dialogue with the government itself. We want the dialogue to be truthful,” he added.

Last year, President Kiir proposed to hold a national dialogue process in the country. The opposition groups generally welcomed the process but pointed to the need for a neutral leadership. Also, they called for the reactivation of the peace agreement signed in August 2015 and its full implementation, pointing to the security arrangements.

The secretary general went on to say that the war has to be stopped. Adding that President Salva Kiir needs to declare a unilateral ceasefire, lift the state of emergency, release political prisoners and suspend the operationalization of more states.

The demands of the leftist party are shared by regional and international organisations which declared their support for the dialogue process as an additional means to ensure the implementation of the IGAD brokered the peace deal.

During this month of March, the UN Security Council (UNSC) and the African Union special envoy for South Sudan Alpha Oumar Konare called to create the needed conditions for an inclusive process.

During a visit to South Sudan, Konare called from Yei for a national dialogue led by a “neutral leader” and stressed on the need to include all armed and opposition groups, including those loyal to former FVP Riek Machar. Also, he backed calls to collect and preserve evidence for establishing criminal accountability.

"The Security Council notes that an immediate ceasefire by all parties is vital for any National Dialogue to be credible and recalls statements by Presidents Mogae and Konaré, that an inclusive political process must also be authentic, autonomous, and impartially led by a credible facilitator accepted by the people of South Sudan, and which supports the Agreement," said the UNSC in a presidential statement issued on 23 March.

(ST)

By Tesfa-Alem Tekle

March 30, 2017 (ADDIS ABABA) – The Ethiopian parliament on Thursday unanimously endorsed proposed motion to extend the nationwide State of Emergency for additional four months.

The House of peoples representatives today unanimously voted in favour of the extension of the just ending six-month-old state decree to ensure an absolute calm and stability is fully restored across the country.

Senior government officials and the State of Emergency Inquiry Board which is in charge of overseeing its implementation have proposed to the house an extension of the decree arguing the existence of a potential threat of unrest in parts of the country.

Siraj Fegessa, Secretariat of the State of Emergency Command Post and Ethiopia Minister of Defense, explained the reason for the extension to the existence of some anti-peace elements who are reorganising themselves
to incite violence.

"There still exist some anti-peace elements at large who wish to capitalise on disputes that might spark among regional states," Siraj told the house while responding to queries that arose from lawmakers.

He added that some leaders of the violent acts are disseminating false
and misleading information to incite fresh violence.

Citing to a survey conducted across the country, the minister said the public has suggested an extension of the state emergency until the prevailing peace reaches to a level of no return.

The House urged the Inquiry Board to ensure that no human rights violations are committed at the second state emergency period.

Ethiopia declared the six-month State of Emergency last October in response
to the wide-spread deadly protests and unrest in Amhara and Oromiya regions.

The state emergency, the country first in a quarter a century was imposed to arrest violent anti-government protests and to restore what Addis Ababa says is a growing security situation in the two troubled regions.

Since the decree was imposed, the Ethiopian government has recently lifted many of the restrictions.

Recently, Addis Ababa has lifted more restrictions for the second time.

Accordingly, the command post led under Ethiopia defence minister has lifted
the command post's power to arbitrary arrest people or search individuals
house.

Furthermore, curfews and other restrictions on media and social media activism are now lifted.

According to the inquiry board, a total of 26,130 suspects were arrested under the state decree mainly from Oromiya and Amhara regions where the anti-government protests sparked.

All except some 5,000 have so far been freed after receiving renewal training including on constitution, rule of law and a colour revolution among others.

(ST)

March 30, 2017 (KHARTOUM) - The U.N World Food Programme (WFP) has begun providing food assistance to war-torn South Sudan using a new corridor announced by the Sudanese government this week.

The move comes barely a month after three U.N agencies and government declared an outbreak of famine in parts of South Sudan, while another 1 million people were at the brink of starvation.

WFP said the new route enables transport of food items overland from El Obeid in central Sudan to Bentiu in South Sudan's Unity state.

“Today [Thursday], the first convoy of 27 trucks carrying an initial 1,200 metric tons of sorghum started moving at 15:00 hours from El Obeid in central Sudan towards Bentiu in South Sudan,” said WFP, adding that convoys will take 5 days to complete the 500km journey.

In the next few weeks, WFP reportedly plans to deliver 11,000 metric tons of sorghum, including 1,000 metric tons donated by the government of Sudan in seven convoys of 30 to 40 trucks.

This, it said, is enough food to feed 300,000 people for three months.

“WFP would like to thank the Government of Sudan for acting decisively by opening this new corridor,” said WFP Sudan Representative and Country Director, Matthew Hollingworth.

“This new route will allow WFP to regularly reach famine-affected people in South Sudan with food assistance and help to avert the consequences of starvation,” he added.

Meanwhile, following the eruption of violence in South Sudan in December 2013, WFP said it has been moving food assistance through a corridor linking White Nile State in Sudan with Upper Nile State in South Sudan. To date, WFP has moved over 57,420 metric tons of assorted commodities through this corridor into South Sudan.

WFP Sudan reportedly also providing food assistance to South Sudanese refugees who now reside in Sudan after fleeing violence and food insecurity in the young nation. Currently WFP is assisting over 250,000 South Sudanese refugees across Sudan, mainly in White Nile State.

Throughout 2017, WFP said it plans to assist more than four million vulnerable people in Sudan, including internally displaced people, refugees, people affected by climate change, and host communities, in areas like emergency food assistance, cash-based transfers (or vouchers), nutritional support, and resilience-building activities to help communities become increasingly independent.

(ST)

March 30, 2017 (AWEIL) - The ongoing conflict in South Sudan is affecting food security in some of the country's more “stable states,” the head of the U.N peacekeeping in South Sudan (UNMISS), said.

Map detail showing South Sudan's border state of Northern Bahr el Ghazal

"Dwindling provisions arriving in the town and skyrocketing food prices have meant that places like Aweil, which are generally peaceful, have suffered the effects of the conflict taking part in other parts of the country,” said David Shearer.

“It is imperative that fighting stops, so the citizens of the world's newest nation can live in peace and enjoy the benefits of independence,” he added.

Shearer was speaking during a visit to Aweil, north of South Sudan, where he heard from U.N humanitarian agencies working in the region on how many families had migrated to neighbouring Sudan.

Last month, three U.N agencies and the government declared an outbreak of famine in parts of war-torn South Sudan, with additional one million people reportedly at the verge of facing starvation.

The Governor of Aweil State, Ronald Ruay Deng, said his administration was doing all it could to move people from dependency on emergency food aid to a more resilient rural agricultural” model of production, including the piloting of a new community farming approach to feed the most vulnerable people.

During the visit, Shearer was also briefed about the efforts under way to build peaceful understanding between communities, particularly pastoral communities who arrive on a seasonal basis from Sudan to share water and grazing land with the residents of greater Aweil.

As such, the U.N mission in the country is reportedly facilitating improved inter-communal understanding through dialogue, an initiative supported by Aweil East Governor, Deng Deng Akeui.

“I fear for the immediate future of the people here particularly their ability to cope during the imminent rainy season while their crops are growing,” Shearer said in relation to the food insecurity in the area.

He added, “However, I am optimistic that building a good relationship between the local authorities, United Nations agencies and non-governmental organizations, will enable us to tackle the food security challenge.”

Tens of thousands of people have been killed and nearly two million displaced in South Sudan's worst violence outbreak since July 2011.

(ST)

March 30, 2017 (KHARTOUM) - Sudan's Foreign Minister Ibrahim Ghandour Thursday has condemned statements by the Deputy Spokesman for the UN Secretary-General, Farhan Haq who urged foreign countries to hand over President Omer al-Bashir to the International Criminal Court (ICC).

Ibrahim Ghandour (Photo Suna)

In response to a question during the daily press briefing on Wednesday about the silence of UN Secretary General in his speech before the Arab leaders in Jordan about the arrest warrant by the ICC against al-Bashir, Haq underscored that the UN position on the Sudanese president "remains unchanged".

"And of course, we continue to call on all countries, including those who are parties to the Rome Statute, to abide by their obligations under the Rome Statute and under the resolutions of the Security Council," said the deputy spokesperson.

Reacting to Haq, the Sudanese foreign minister said statements of UN spokesperson in which he requested the extradition of President al-Bashir to the ICC, is a "descent" requiring investigation "to rectify this deplorable situation."

Ghandour further expressed hope that these statements "do not represent the secretary-general of the United Nations in any way".

In statements to the press in Khartoum upon his return from the Arab summit on Thursday, Ghandour said Sudan would investigate through diplomatic channels and Sudan's permanent mission in New York "to verify who was behind this statement and whether it was a unilateral statement by the person who made it."

"The United Nations is an organisation composed of sovereign states including the Sudan, and the respect of its president who is elected by the Sudanese people is important and necessary," said the Sudanese foreign minister.

He further said that the Hague-based court is not part of the UN system and a large number of countries are not a member of the court.

The criminal court is an independent judicial body with jurisdiction to prosecute individuals charged with genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes.

It has accused President Omer Hassan al-Bashir of genocide and crimes against humanity in his campaign to crush a rebellion in the western Sudan region of Darfur.

The court, which issued two arrest warrants against him, regretted the lack of cooperation from the UN Security Council and member states particularly the African and Arab states where al-Bashir managed to travel several times.

Ghandour said the UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres is particularly appreciative of President Al-Bashir and met him during the African Union summit last January, adding he sent recently him two letters on African issues including South Sudan.

He disclosed that the two men had to meet in Oman but the meeting didn't take place due to the previous commitments of President al-Bashir during the one-day Arab summit.

(ST)

March 30, 2017 (KHARTOUM) - U.S. Congressmen this week have sent a message to the Secretary of State Rex Tillerson to express their concern about the easing of sanctions on Sudan.

New U.S. President Donald Trump is focusing his efforts during the first 100 days of his mandate on electoral pledges. Also, this period has been marred by conflict with the courts over his travel ban order, healthcare reform and investigation on Russian interference.

Despite the deep engagement of the U.S. Administration under the former President Barak Obama in the two countries, the continuation of war and declared famine in South Sudan, no new special envoy to Sudan and South Sudan has been yet appointed.

Frustrated by the situation, the three co-chairs of the bipartisan Congressional Caucus on Sudan and South Sudan, Reps. Thomas Rooney, Michael Capuano and Barbara Lee on Tuesday sent a joint letter to Secretary Tillerson urging him to take immediate action to improve the U.S. diplomatic and humanitarian policies toward the two countries.

Strict Monitoring on Sudan Sanction-Easing Process

On Sudan, the Congressmen voiced concerns about the decision of Obama administration to ease sanctions on Sudan next July after a review conducted by different U.S. agencies of Khartoum cooperation in the counterterrorism, humanitarian access to civilians in the conflict-affected areas, and regional stability including peace in South Sudan and anti-LRA regional efforts.

" We are concerned about the recent easing of sanctions and increasing trade with Sudan. It is critical that the actions of the government be closely monitored to determine if these steps towards normalcy actually result in an improved situation on the ground for the people of Sudan."

The lawmakers asked the State Department to inform them about the achieved benchmarks that justified the easing of sanctions, the ongoing review and to ensure that partial left of sanctions is improving the lives of the Sudanese people.

They further urged to consider targeted sanctions on Sudanese official responsible for the continuation of the conflict.

"If the easing of sanctions has emboldened worse actions, we urge you to inform us and consider tightening enforcement mechanisms and more sharply targeting the military and financial assets of those responsible for continuing the conflict, atrocities, and mass corruption," they stressed.

Sudan has been under American economic and trade sanctions since 1997 for its alleged connection to terror networks and remains on the U.S. list of state sponsors of terror. The first batch of sanctions restrict U.S. trade and investment with Sudan and block government's assets of the Sudanese government.

Additional sanctions in relations with the conflict in Darfur region were introduced by two Executive Orders in 2006.

Hearing on Human rights in Sudan

In a related development, U.S. Congress Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission next Tuesday 4 April will hold a hearing on the easing of sanctions on Sudan and its effect on human rights.

Human rights activists are invited to give their position on " what is the measure of Sudan's progress towards improvements on its human rights record since the easing of sanctions?"

"Omer Ismail, Senior Adviser, The Enough Project, Ken Isaacs, Vice President of Programs and Government Relations, Samaritan's Purse, Miles Windsor, Advocacy and Development Director, Middle East Concern, and Jehanne Henry, Senior Researcher, Africa Division, Human Rights Watch" are the expected to speak in this event.

Sudanese officials say the human rights record is not part of the five-track deal sealed with Obama's administration.

(ST)

March 30, 2017 (JUBA) - South Sudanese authorities must release all people detained without charge by security agencies, including the 28 men currently held at the headquarters of the national intelligence agency in the capital Juba, Amnesty International said in an open letter to President Salva Kiir.

South Sudan's President Salva Kiir arrives in Khartoum on September 3, 2013 (AFP Ashraf Shazly)

The call comes barely a month after the South Sudanese leader publicly pledged to release all political detainees in the country.

“Hundreds of people, mostly men, have been arrested without charge by security agents and held in torturous conditions for long periods of time, since the conflict began more than three years ago. Others have disappeared without a trace at the hands of National Security Service and Military Intelligence agents,” Amnesty International's Secretary General, Salil Shetty said in a statement.

“While President Kiir's pledge was welcome, we call on him to go a step further and order a full investigation into arbitrary detention practices of government security agencies, enforced disappearances, deaths in custody, torture and other ill-treatment,” he added.

20 men, the campaign group said, died at three separate detention centres in Juba between February 2014 and December 2016.

Meanwhile, the Director General for South Sudan Prisons Service, General Henry Kuany said that prisoners in the states have no food.

Kuany attributes the problem to the economic crisis in the country.

“The prisoners are not getting enough food, but they are getting half of what is supposed to be their feeding,” he told Eye Radio Monday.

The situation, Kuany said, is not any better in Juba, where there are more than 1,000 inmates, who struggle to get even a meal in a day.

According to the official, Juba Central Prison now uses 17 bags of flour per day to feed more than 1,000 inmates, which is insufficient.

He said over 30 contractors providing food to prisons in Juba and other states are demanding big money sums from the government.

Some of the contractors, Kuany further disclosed, have stopped working while some are still providing food only to prisoners in Juba.

“The market prices are very high, beyond what they [contractors] can afford to provide the required food items for prisoners,” he said.

(ST)

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