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By Hon Arop Madut Arop

As I was reading the last proof of my new book on the Ngok Dinka history, which is currently with the printers, somebody sent me a recorded voice message purportedly given by Uncle Bona Malwal in his recent press conference in Khartoum. In the voice message, it would appear that Uncle Bona Malwal was answering questions from journalists about a number of sensitive issues including a so-called Abyei Area controversy. From Uncle Bona Malwal press statement, which I believed was staged to enable him to air some of his frustrations about a number of issues which had in not very distant past, led to his retiring from politics; Some facts beg a positive response from the concerned citizens of Ngok Dinka Region, which by accident of politics, has become known as Abyei area.

But as most of the issues discussed by Uncle Bona Malwal in his Khartoum conference were his own personal opinions, I will only comment on some of the important issues that struck me in the face. But before I discuss the issues raised by Uncle Bona Malwal, I would like to appeal to my great and resilient people of the Ngok Atungdiak not to react negatively and used abusive language in their response to Uncle Bona Malwal assertion that; Abyei area is a Sudanese for the following reasons.

Firstly, Uncle Bona Malwal is one of our respectable political figures. On a number of occasions, in the past, Uncle Bona had been standing tall among our important elders. He undeniably been seen championing not only the interest of the entire people of South Sudan but also that of the people of Abyei region. However, by default, if Uncle Bona Malwal has changed his leadership style and priorities today, he should be forgiven because according to sociologists, any human being changes his/her way of life every eight years. Additionally, human being life goes through three stages: as a child, as an adult and as an elderly. Naturally, each of these stages has its own dynamics through which an individual behaviour and public performances could be judged.

The second reason why our Ngok Dinka youths should not respond negatively to Uncle Bona Malwal's adopted Khartoum slogan (that Abyei is a part of Sudan), is that, in our time honoured South Sudanese tradition, young people do respect the opinion of their elders regardless to the impact that opinion has on them. More so, African younger people do not even use abusive language in their response to what the elders say about them; good or bad. Rather, the youths do confront elderly people with facts.

It is in this light that I am going to confront Uncle Bona Malwal with historical facts that he may have knowingly or unknowingly disregarded. I will first start my response with historical facts which surrounded the transfer of the Ngok Dinka Nine Chiefdoms; which Uncle Bona stated; it was done through a request by the Ngok Dinka traditional leadership. Please bear with me as I delve into discussing these historical facts.

HISTORICAL FACTORS FOR THE TRANSFER OF NGOK DINKA FROM BAHR AL-GHAZAL TO KORDOFAN

Following the crushing defeat of Mahdi's successor Khalifa Abdullahi, one of the former Mahdist insurgents, Ali Jula who had been fighting alongside the Mahdist dervishes went back to the Misseriya land and usurped power from Sheikh Azoza who had been at peace with Southern neighbours.
Despite the ban on slave trade by the Anglo-Egyptian authorities, Sheikh Ali Jula embarked on large-scale slave trafficking on the Dinka tribes in Bahr al Ghazal in general and on the Ngok Dinka Chiefdoms in particular. However, it took a long time before the reports of the continuation of the slave trafficking came to the notice of Khartoum authorities to decide on what to do about the violation of the slave trafficking ban.

The first incident which would contribute to the subsequent transfer of the Ngok Dinka Chiefdoms from Bahr al Ghazal in South Sudan to Kordofan in North Sudan reportedly, came to the notice of the Khartoum authorities when the Ngok Dinka Chief, Arop Biong, sent two runners to the British Commissioner at Fashoda aka Tauffikia on the White Nile.

Reportedly, Sultan Arop Biong's runners arrived at Kodok on 13th of September 1903 and told the District authorities that some Humour Arab tribesmen under Mohamed Khada had raided Ngok Dinka villages about a month earlier. The runners disclosed to the authorities that, the Arab raiders had killed two people, carried thirty others into captivity and took one thousand herds of cattle along with them. With an order from Khartoum, the Governor of Kordofan Province investigated the matter. He recovered the thirty men and all the looted cattle were given back to their rightful owners.

The second incident that would force the authorities in Khartoum to intervene immediately took place in January 1904. Reportedly the Misseriya Arabs, under the command of Sheikh Ali Jula of the Misseriya had raided the Twic Dinka country; uncle Bona Malwal home area, looted a number of cattle and took along with them a number of young men and women into captivity.
The Twic spiritual leader, Deng Cyier aka Deng Thiapduok, sent his innovative nephew, Sheik Rehan Gorkuei, as an envoy to find out the whereabouts of the new British authorities. He would thereafter accused Ali Jula of the Misseriya for violating the slave trafficking ban imposed by the new Khartoum authorities.

Accordingly, Sheikh Rehan Gorkuei could not go to Aweil, Gogrial or Tonj, where he could present his complaint to the authorities; because those towns were not yet established. Sheikh Rehan Gorkwei, could not go even to Bentiu because that town was not yet established. Sheikh Rehan Gorkuei could only go to Kodok which was the only spot from where reports about the security situation from southern provinces could reach the new authorities in Khartoum.
Thus after a journey of twenty-three days on foot, the Twic leader Sheikh Rehan Gorkuei arrived in Kodok in March 1905, and presented his complaints to the British District Commissioner. In the meeting Sheikh Rehan Gorkuei accused the Misseriya Chief Ali Jula for defying the British ban on slave trade; adding, Ali Jula of the Misseriya Arabs had raided his country in January and had looted thousands heads of cattle.

The Twic envoy told the Kodok authorities that, the Arab Misseriya raiders took fifteen young men along with them into captivity. The District Commissioner of Kodok, took Sheikh Rehan Gorkuei to Khartoum where he met the Governor General, Sir Reginald Wingate who, accordingly, ordered the acting Governor of Wau, Mr Sweeny to report to Khartoum immediately.

On arrival in Khartoum, the Governor General Wingate queried Mr Sweeny why he could not protect the people at the northern frontier of his administration. Governor Sweeny, reportedly, argued that, there were so many rivers and swamps on the way to Sheikh Rehan Gorkuei and Sultan Arop Biong areas. He added that, police forces or administrators could not easily reach those remote areas especially during rainy seasons.

Immediately the Governor General ordered the Governor of Kordofan Province, Mr Connally, where the slavers came from, to report to Khartoum immediately. On arrival Governor Connelly told the Governor General that, according to Colonel Baldyn's report, it was possible to reach Sheikh Rehan Gorkuei and Sultan Arop Biong areas from Kordofan Province.

After consulting with the two governors, the Governor General ordered that the territories that were subjected to slave raids in northern Upper Nile and Northern Bahr al Ghazal provinces be transferred to Kordofan in the North. The rationale behind the decision was that, both the slavers and slave victims should be put under one administration in Kordofan, where they could be well protected by a neutral British Governor.

Thus in March 1905, the Governor General made an administrative order to the effect that, the Ngok of Arop Biong, the Twic of Sheikh Rehan Gorkuei, Panaru of Chief Bill Kuei and Alor of Kuur Kuot Chiefdoms, were officially transferred from northern Bahr al Ghazal and northern Upper Nile respectively to Kordofan Province. Accordingly, the areas affected by the transfer to Kordofan were to remain there until such time that the administration and security were sufficiently established and functioning in the southern provinces.

Thus when law and order, local government administration and security were well established in the southern provinces, the Governor General made another administrative order to reconsider the retransfer of the areas previously transferred to Kordofan. Accordingly, the territories of the southern tribes annexed to Kordofan in 1905 were to be restored to their respective provinces in the Southern Provinces. In the year, 1929, Twic Ruweng and Panaru Chiefdoms agreed and reverted their area to their previous respective provinces. Consequently their areas were restored to Gogrial and Bentiu respectively.

As for the Ngok Dinka Chief, Kuol Arop who had replaced his father Arop Biong, he declined for his area to revert to Bahr al Ghazal for the reasons discussed here below.

SULTAN KUOL AROP AND SHEIKH NIMR ALI JULA PEACEFUL COOPERATION AGREEMENT

We are told that, before the rise of Mahdia most of the Arab tribes were domiciled in Darfur Province. Hence their cattle were using Kiir Adem to water themselves and their animals. But following the dismissal of Ali Jula and appointment of his son Nimr Ali Jula with tacit approval of Sultan Kuol Arop the Two Chiefs entered into a peaceful co-existence and cooperation Agreement. In efforts to avoid any future clash between the two neighbouring tribesmen over the pastures and water points, Misseriya and Ngok chiefs made the following agreement.

The Ngok Dinka-Misseriya mutual agreement allowed the Misseriya cattlemen to traverse the Ngok Dinka area annually, beginning from the start of the dry season (January) without hindrance. The Ngok Dinka cattlemen would also traverse the part of Misseriya Qooz i.e. (dry land) whenever there was flooding in the Ngok Dinka area. Remarkably, since Kuol Arop signed a detente, with his Misseriya counterpart Nimr Ali Jula (1910) the Misseriya cattle herders, as a tradition, spent the months of June, July, August and September around Muglad and Babanusa areas, where they do some cultivation during the rainy season. When the water and pastures become scanty, the Misseriya and their cattle moved annually to the Qooz, a vast waterless landmass between the Misseriya region and the Ngok Dinka country in the South.

In January, when the Ngok Dinka cattle herders would have moved away from the Ngol/Ngaol area in the north, to the central Ngok Dinka land, often after the second harvest (Anguol), the Misseriya would replace them there. In February, when the Ngok Dinka cattle had moved to the pasture land, south of the river Kiir, the Misseriya would move to the central Ngok Dinka land. By February when the Twic cattlemen have moved to Apuk area in eastern Gogrial (Toiny Apuk), the Ngok Dinka cattlemen would move to Twic area.

At the beginning of the next rainy season in April, the Twic cattle herders would move back to Twic area when the rains would fall. The Ngok Dinka would have moved back to their Toich, south of Kiir River where they would stay until the rains fall in May.

By this time, the Misseriya would have started moving away from central Ngok Dinka to Ngol area in anticipation of their northward journey to their homeland starting from June. By June the Ngok Dinka people would divide themselves, with milking cows remaining in the permanent homesteads, while the young men move to Ngol area where they would remain there until the next winter season begins. That important smooth rotational arrangement by two great tribal leaders, who wanted peaceful co-existence between their people, remained effectively in force until it was impacted by the Misseriya Dinka conflict of 1965.

The third important historical fact I would like to inform Sudanese on both sides of the two republics is that the Twic Dinka of Ajak Kuac, was carved out from Ngok Dinka land aka Abyei area and annexed to Twic Chiefdoms by the British authorities in response to Uncle Bona Malual father Sultan Madut Ring request for reasons beyond this narrative.

The fourth historical fact to add is that, during the last general elections (2010), the Ngok Dinka of Abyei and Ajack Kuac (Uncle Bona Home area; were put in one constituency. Reportedly through the tacit connivance of Uncle Bona Malwal, the Twic of Ajak Kuac people refused to register as voters in the combined Ngok-Ajak Kuac constituency. Hence they could not vote in the combined constituency during the said elections. They could not even nominate a candidate to contest in the 2010 elections. Thus when I was nominated by my people to contest and as there was no candidate that contested against me from Ajak Kuac, I was declared unopposed.
As a member of the South Sudan Legislative Assembly, I represent the combined constituency of Abyei Area and Ajack Kuac area. The above are sufficient enough for the people of the South Sudan and the Ngok Dinka to understand whether Uncle Bona Malwal statement in Khartoum were historical facts or random statement to satisfy his audience.

The fifth and final fact is that Uncle Bona Malwal called those who say that Abyei area is a part of the Republic of South Sudan, instead of the Republic of Sudan as inexperienced and irresponsible and I quote. ‘'But these are the facts, legal and constitutional facts which the inexperienced and irresponsible boys don't see''. At this juncture, I would appeal to Uncle Bona Malwal to apologise to his people the Ngok Dinka or make a counter statement and withdraw his unfortunate statement he made before his respectful audience in Khartoum.
Because of not all those who say Abyei is a part of the South Sudan are inexperienced and irresponsible. I do not even believe that Uncle Bona Malwal called all the Ngok leaders inexperienced and irresponsible because; it is a known fact, even to Uncle Bona Malwal himself, that the Ngok Atungdiak has the best experienced and responsible people who have undeniably contributed effectively for the liberation of South Sudan. Unless there is something dangerously pushing uncle Bona from behind; not to believe the facts that, the people of Ngok Atungdiak have throughout history offered South Sudan political, military and social leadership.

Sixthly, Uncle Bona Malwal is quite aware of the sensitivity of the Ngok area pedicamengt; as it is a matter of live or die. As a seasoned journalist uncle Bona Malwal should have used the journalistic jargon of ‘'non-committant'' because the fate of Abyei is in the hands of the two presidents.
Furthermore, uncle Bona Malwal statement would have been taken positively if he were to tell his audience that since Abyei is still a part of Sudan until the time of the referendum as he put it, he should have appealed to the Khartoum authorities to send services to the Ngok area or at least allow foreign NGOs to extend services to the Ngok people who have been living in squalid condition since the invasion of the area by the Sudanese Army in 2011. If Uncle Bona Malwal had secured food security and medical services for the Ngok people he would have done a wonderful job as these services would find themselves in uncle Bona Malwal area.
Another important fact I would like to tell Uncle Bona Malwal is that the Abyei Conference in which was aimed at reverting the Nine Ngok Dinka Chiefdoms by the outgoing British authorities was held in April 1951 and not in 1952 as mentioned in Uncle Bona Malwal recent book.
In the 1951 conference, which was attended by prominent paramount chiefs from Gogrial and Aweil including Uncle Bona Father Madut Ring, no decision was made. Rather, Chief Deng Majok asked the conference to defer the issue to some later date; adding that the Ngok Chiefs should be allowed to undertake a fact-finding guided tour to Bahr al-Ghazal to acquaint themselves with the nature of the native administration there. Upon their return, the Chiefs were expected to make their decision on the subject under scrutiny. In 1952, Mr Richard Owen the Governor of Bahr al-Ghazal sent a convoy of cars and the Ngok Chiefs were taken on a guided tour to native court centres in Bahr al-Ghazal Province. The next conference in which a decision would have been made, probably in 1953, was overtaken by events of Sudanisation. Consequently, no conference was ever held again. The rot had set in.

In conclusion I would like to suggest that if uncle Bona Malwal has some axe to grind against the Ngok Dinka leadership, the best thing he should do, as an acclaimed seasoned politician who is too informed to be informed; is to reconcile with the Ngok Atungdaik leadership through our time honoured African traditional mechanism; instead of distortion of historical facts and the use of abusive language against those leaders who rightly say that their area is by right, a part and parcel of the Republic of South Sudan.

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December 7, 2017 (KHARTOUM) - The rebel Sudan Liberation Movement Transitional Council (SLM-TC) called on the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) to ensure the safety and security of prisoners of war from Darfur armed groups.

SLM Minni Minnawi (L) and Nimir Abdel Rahman sign a political agreement on 20 February 2015 (ST Photo)

Following coordinated attacks last May in North and South Darfur by the SLM TC and SLM-Minni Minnawi (SLM-MM), the Sudanese government have detained several commanders from the two group including the SLM-TC leader Nimir Abdel Rahman and SLM-MM spokesperson Mustafa Adroub.

"We call on the International Committee of the Red Cross and human rights organisations to intervene urgently to protect the rights of the prisoners from the Sudan Liberation Movement led by Minni Minnawi and the Transitional Council," said a statement extended to Sudan Tribune by the SLM-TC spokesperson Dreig Adam.

Adam further said their comrades who have been moved the detention centre of the national security service to Omdurman prison, are very affected by the torture and bad treatment they received during the past six months.

The rebel official further disclosed they handed over a letter to the ICRC on 30 November where they accused the government of "using banned chemical weapons".

The SLM-TC said the prisoners were subjected to various forms of torture by the government security services during the past six months. It further said that two prisoners had been killed under torture: Mohamed Suleiman (Rakona) and Zakaria Musa Mohamed, as others were wounded and have serious diseases.

The SLM-TC broke away of the SLM Abdel Wahid al-Nur two years ago. Recently, it signed a joint declaration of unilateral cessation of hostilities with the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) and SLM-MM.

(ST)

December 7, 2017 (JUBA) - Goethe Institut, a German-based institute, has donated 200 books to the Aggrey Jaden Cultural Centre, which develops children through arts and music creativity.

Goethe Institut in Berlin (Getty)

At the center, children aged 5 to 13 years are taught art and craft, drawing and molding, formal education, music and tree planting.

“To keep children out of trouble or doing bad things after they come back from school or when they are on holidays, the after school program with music, African drum beating lessons for boys and girls keeps them busy till they go home in the evening,” the center said in a statement extended to Sudan Tribune.

Lack of funds run these activities at the cultural center attracted the German embassy that saw Goethe Institut donate childrens' books.

Also, through the German embassy's small scale project fund, the cultural center had been earmarked to receive a simple solar backup system and a water tank, which will facilities its activities.

“Now, the centre can offer a new activity for the kids: 200 kids' books age 2 up to 15 are given by German Goethe Institut to the center. Story reading and self-reading time will be the new activity to encourage the children to read and learn”, the center further noted.

The Aggrey Jaden Cultural Center is a community-based non-profit cultural organization located in Juba. It was founded by a former administrator in the old Sudan in 1924, who passed on in 1985.

The centre was established with the aim and vision of changing peoples' lives by giving back to the community through art and music.

(ST)

December 7, 2017 (KHARTOUM) - The Sudanese opposition Thursday called for an international investigation into the recent clashes in North Darfur state between the government troops and the tribal militia of the Border Brigades Forces (BBF) led by Musa Hilal.

Within the framework of a weapons collection campaign, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) stormed Hilal headquarters in Mistiriyha after the killing of a commander of the government militia by the BBF on 27 November 2017.

As a result of the operation, Hilal, his sons and several senior BBF and tribal officials were arrested and transferred to Khartoum where they are held in the army detention centre. There were also reports of attacks human rights abuses against the civilians in Mistiriyha.

"The Sudan Call forces condemn the recent attacks by the government militias in Mistiriyha, and call for an immediate end of the war," said the opposition alliance which gathers the political parties and armed groups including those of Darfur region.

The alliance further called for a "transparent investigation carried out by the (hybrid peacekeeping operation) UNAMID and UN officials on the violations against unarmed civilians, children, elderly and women".

Hilal is accused of actively participating in the counterinsurgency operations led by the government forces during the first years of Darfur conflicts. However, the government now accuses him of colliding with the rebel groups to destabilize the region.

He refused to merge the BBF militia with the RSF which is part of the Sudanese army. The Mahameed leader is opposed to the appointment of another cousin as the RSF general commander considering it endangers his tribal leadership.

The opposition alliance which is a signatory of the Roadmap Agreement brokered by the African Union mediation to end the war and achieve democratic reforms also condemned the recent crackdown on the Sudanese newspapers.

They further called to release political detainees and expressed concern over the arbitrary detention of Naser Eldin Mukhtar a university student from Darfur region detained arrested by the security four months ago. Also, they condemned the political trial of Asim Omer, a university student accused of killing a police officer during a student demonstration in April 2016.

The opposition alliance called on the other "political partners" to "step up the resistance" adding they would propose a political platform for a joint action "to achieve the uprising of our people and overthrow the regime".

The African Union-mediated peace process between the government and the Sudan Call forces has been stalled for more than a year.

After the end of the national dialogue process in October 2016, the government proposes that the opposition join the constitutional process after the signing of a peace agreement.

The opposition remains divided over the move forward. Some are supportive to a proposition by the SPLM-N Agar to participate in the general elections of 2020 while others are doubtful saying they do not believe that the regime will accept a democratic transition and call for a popular uprising.

(ST)

December 7, 2017 (JUBA) – A senior United Nations official has urged peacekeepers and staffs to closely work with the vulnerable people in South Sudan if they were to gain the mutual trust and confidence.

The Victims' Rights Advocate for the United Nations, Jane Connors, speaking at a press conference in Juba, the capital of South Sudan (UN Photo/Isaac Billy)

Jane Connors, the UN Victims' Rights Advocate, said cases of sexual exploitation and abuse by UN personnel not only breaks down a relationship, but also destroys the trust communities have in the world body.

“It is conduct which is absolutely abhorrent and a conduct which is extraordinarily painful to its victims and undermines the UN itself and, of course, dents the trust that communities should have in the UN,” said Connors, at the end of her visit to the war-torn nation.

“It is about dignity for the victims, compassion, a real feeling of empathy, a feeling that they are not forgotten, that victims feel they can tell their story to someone like myself and, if they're lucky, to the Secretary-General as some have been able to do,” she added.

The senior UN official visited South Sudan to promote the importance of the “no excuses, zero tolerance” approach to UN personnel.

During her visit, Connors met victims and local authorities and spent time listening to the concerns of internally displaced persons residing at the UN Mission in South Sudan protection of civilians' sites.

“There should be no victims. Women and girls should not feel pain,” she told crowds of people at the Malakal camp in Upper Nile region.

“All I can say is the UN entities, funds, programmes, agencies and the Mission stand with you but you are in the lead to say no and act,” she added.

Last year, there were 103 allegations made against UN staff world over, with four them in South Sudan, according to the world body.

The low number, the UN said, could be due to reluctance on part of victims to report abuse because of the stigma attached, but it encourages reporting to that perpetrators are held accountable.

“Many victims are focused on their lives, as you know, legal processes take a long time and many victims wish to move on. They are interested in justice, but at the same time, they wish to rebuild their lives, move into a scenario whereby they feel valued, they are not stigmatized, and that is the approach we need to take,” said Connors.

“We need to ask the victim what she or he wants and not substitute our judgement, not say you need to do this, you need to do the other,” she added.

Three in five women at the UN-run protection of civilian sites around the South Sudan capital, Juba experienced rape or sexual assault, according to a 2016 UN report.

(ST)