By Duop Chak Wuol
In most organized societies, keeping someone in detainment who did not commit any crime is a criminal act punishable by law. However, in its 61st extra-ordinary session held on March 26, 2018 in Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) released a communiqué stating that it decided to lift the house arrest it imposed on the leader of the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army-In Opposition (SPLM/A-IO), Dr Riek Machar. In addition, IGAD demanded that the rebel leader must first denounce violence before it can decide where he should be relocated. The East African regional bloc also asserted that Machar must only be transferred to a country without borders with South Sudan and that a group of designated IGAD ministers will propose and decide where the armed opposition leader will be moved to.
If such a resolution sounds like a conspiracy to you, then you are probably correct, because it fits within the meaning of a carefully-orchestrated political plot. The statement was not only unreasonable — it was, in fact, a glorification of Salva Kiir's tyranny and an insult to those who lost their lives in the civil war.
IGAD's decision to lift Machar's unlawful imprisonment is a welcome move. I strongly believe that placing Machar under house arrest was questionable. By signalling the release of the armed opposition leader, IGAD identified its blunder for the first time. However, I wonder why the regional bloc wants the SPLM-IO leader to be relocated to a different nation instead of allowing him to go to any place of his own choosing? There is absolutely no rational explanation as to why a group of IGAD leaders united themselves to keep an innocent man in confinement against his will when meanwhile, Kiir committed massacres and enjoyed freedom in Juba. IGAD leaders should explain to the people of South Sudan why they are willing to punish Machar while simultaneously failing to bring the war to an end. The bloc should also explain why it is interested in preventing Dr Machar from participating in South Sudan's politics. IGAD's main goal is to work for a peaceful solution to the ongoing civil war, instead of choosing a seemingly one-sided approach. If the bloc does not change its current stance on South Sudan's situation, then I suggest that the African Union (AU) and the international community take over the peace process. The South Sudanese are also interested in knowing whether IGAD is merely an entity for East African leaders to protect themselves or is instead interested in solving regional issues.
It is worth noting that South Sudan's conflict has become a lucrative business for some countries. What these nations need to know is that tens of thousands of people have died because of Kiir's political madness. Protecting Kiir by passing pro-Juba resolutions will not only escalate the war but will increase South Sudanese anger towards Kiir. The Republic of South Sudan should not be a testing ground where civil liberties and human rights are traded for money, regional interests, or hidden intentions. If IGAD is working for the goodness of the people of South Sudan, then it must not justify Salva Kiir's ruthlessness by coming up with motions that are contrary to its own vision. The March 26th decision by IGAD to transfer the rebel leader to a country outside of the East African region only strengthens the suspicion already present in the minds of millions of South Sudanese that the regional bloc is marred by bribery, illicit deals, greed, and conspiracy.
Is the confinement of Riek Machar an act of complicity? What crime did Riek Machar commit against Uganda, Kenya, Sudan, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Somalia, or Eritrea? Is IGAD conducting itself impartially in relation to South Sudan's peace process? Why are the leaders of the East African regional bloc seemingly working in the best interest of Juba's atrocious regime? What exactly is IGAD trying to tell the people of South Sudan and the international community? Is IGAD trying to legitimize the regime of a murderous tyrant?
Dr Machar did not commit a single crime against any IGAD member state. If the bloc's resolution is not an act of collusion, then I am not sure what it really means. I agree with the idea that leaders should denounce and condemn violence. However, the notion that Machar is the only leader who should denounce violence is rather fallacious. The conditions set by IGAD are absurd. Transferring Machar from South Africa to another country should not be called a release — it is, in fact, an extension of his current confinement. The reality is that the bloc is not ready to release the rebel leader. If IGAD is impartial in its quest for peace, then it must ask all South Sudanese leaders, including Kiir, to denounce violence.
IGAD has been somewhat instrumental before, but the people of South Sudan know that most of its decisions have been anti-SPLM/A-IO. I am not quite sure whether this apparent help-Kiir-at-all-costs policy is influenced by Kiir's ally, Yoweri Museveni. There is nothing wrong with supporting your friend or counterpart, but giving your full support to a leader who slaughtered tens of thousands of his fellow citizens without any good reason is rather reprehensible. The ethnic carnage Kiir carried out in December 2013 in Juba was so brutal that only a leader who does not care about the suffering of South Sudanese would support it. The leaders of IGAD should work towards finding a lasting solution to the conflict and not allow themselves to be used by Kiir. Salva Kiir is a cunning person. He used the 2013 fake coup as evidence to purge Machar and other South Sudanese leaders who he saw as a threat to his leadership. There was no such a thing as a coup in this instance, contrary to what Kiir would like everyone to believe. The real coup was the bogus one he orchestrated in Kampala with the help of Museveni.
It is good to remind people that in 2016, when the SPLM-IO leader was forced to go to Juba to implement the August 2015 imposed peace agreement, he was nearly killed. What I find ironic about this specific narrative is that when Machar survived the July 2016 assassination attempt and fled Juba, there was not a single IGAD leader who came out and criticized Salva Kiir. One would argue that the only thing the East African regional bloc wants is to keep Kiir in power, regardless of what the people of South Sudan want.
Peace is better than war. I am certain that the South Sudanese want peace to return to their country. IGAD must know that peace will not be achieved by imposing anti-peace resolutions on the SPLM/A-IO leader. Kiir is the one who started the current civil war and Machar is the victim. Thus, for the bloc to insist that Dr Machar should continue living in exile instead of completely lifting his house arrest to live a free life is not a plausible decision the armed opposition should endorse. The bloc must choose between keeping its tainted image, or else risk being declared by the South Sudanese as “not a credible, neutral, or impartial entity.” Complicit or not, the people of South Sudan are fully aware of IGAD's pro-Juba stance.
The author can be reached at duop282@gmail.com
Superpowers are once again competing for influence in Africa. It's time for the continent to reclaim its sovereignty
by Ahmed H Adam
The world's most powerful nations are once again competing for the control of the abundant natural resources of the African continent. Some analysts describe this phenomenon as a "new scramble for Africa" in reference to the first "scramble for Africa", which took place between 1881 and 1914 and resulted in powerful European nations dividing, occupying and colonising the continent.
Superpowers like the US, China and Russia, as well as some key European countries, and less powerful nations like Japan, India and Brazil are currently active in Africa. Some energy-rich Gulf countries are also racing to consolid
ate their investments on the continent, as they seek to expand their economies beyond oil and gas sectors.
Foreign military presence is also growing on the continent under the guise of counterterrorism efforts. Djibouti has agreed to host American naval and drone bases that conduct operations in the Horn of Africa and beyond. Many other nations have also established military bases in the country, including France - the former colonial power - Italy and Japan. The French military base in Djibouti is hosting troops from Germany and Spain. On the other hand, some of the parties to the GCC crisis, such as Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, have established military bases in Eritrea and Somaliland, while Somalia is hosting Turkish troops. Furthermore, the US has been increasingly involved in the fight against "terror" groups in the Sahel, providing arms and military training to the governments of the region.
At the moment, Africa does not have a serious, unified strategy or the institutional capacity to effectively respond to this so-called "new scramble for Africa". It is true that, in 2016, the African Union (AU) introduced an ambitious strategic framework called Agenda 2063 under the leadership of Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma, the former Chairperson of the AU Commission. But this agenda does not include a clear and coherent strategy on increasing foreign presence and competition in Africa. Furthermore, African leaders seem to lack the necessary political will to counter these efforts and protect the continent's vital interests. But all is not lost - Africa can still turn this situation around, reclaim its sovereign rights and take its rightful place on the world stage.
Trump's lack of interest in Africa
The United States is losing some ground against China in Africa, but it is still an influential foreign power on the continent.
For decades, it has invested billions of dollars in aid, health, development projects, and cultural and educational programmes. Furthermore, it supported peacekeeping, peacebuilding and humanitarian intervention operations. In return, it used Africa's immense natural resources to meet the needs of its industries.
However, since the 9/11 attacks, US activities in Africa have been shaped by the so-called "war on terror". Even US humanitarian aid to Africa has been linked to this agenda. Since 2007, AFRICOM, the US Africa Command, has been playing a major role in the fight against "terror groups" across the continent. Nevertheless, African countries have been reluctant to host AFRICOM as they are deeply suspicious of its agenda and feel it could undermine their sovereignty. For this reason, AFRICOM is based in Germany and not on the continent.
Moreover, Washington's policies on Africa are more enigmatic today than ever before.
Africa was not a foreign policy priority for the Obama administration, which focussed its efforts in the Middle East, and it is also not a priority for the current administration. Some key vacancies in the Department of State's Africa Bureau have not even been filled yet. Just like his predecessor, Trump's focus is currently on the Middle East. It is obvious that the new US president is not looking to form a meaningful, mutually beneficial partnership with Africa - he only wants to pursue narrow national interests, namely counterterrorism efforts and extraction of natural resources.
Also, during his election campaign and after assuming office, Trump made several controversial remarks about Africa that were described by Africans and many others as insulting and racist. In January this year, it was claimed that Trump had referred to African nations as "sh****** countries". The president immediately denied using such vocabulary, but this remark has since turned into a symbol of his insulting attitude towards the African continent and its people. Even if Trump decides to make Africa a priority later in his tenure, he would be facing the gruelling challenge of gaining the trust and respect of African peoples.
Africa as a market opportunity for Russia
Russia is another key player in Africa. Earlier this month, Russia's Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov went on an extensive Africa tour during which he visited Ethiopia, Zimbabwe, Angola, Namibia and Mozambique. In Ethiopia, he attended the joint ministerial committee that was established to advance bilateral relations between the two countries. Lavrov also met the chairperson of the AU in Addis Ababa.
It is quite revealing that Lavrov chose to visit only one East African country - Ethiopia - during his Africa tour. All the other countries he visited were Southern African countries that have huge natural resources like oil, uranium, copper, gold and cobalt. This shows that Russia's main priority in Africa is not reviving its Soviet-era prestige and influence, but extraction of natural resources.
But Russia is also investing in security and military projects in Africa. As the second-largest arms exporter in the world after the US, it sells billions of dollars in weapons annually across the continent. During his latest visit, Lavrov signed a defence cooperation agreement with Mozambique.
As a result of the sanctions that have been imposed on it by the US and Europe, Russia is now looking for new markets and seeking to make Africa one of its main export centres. All in all, Russia views Africa as a major trade opportunity and hopes to extend its influence in the continent rapidly.
China: the new dominant foreign power in Africa
As the world's second-largest economy, China has become Africa's most important and influential development and trade partner over the past two decades. China has no colonial past in Africa, in fact, like Russia, it supported Africa's liberation struggle in the mid-20th century. China's "clean" history in Africa makes it easier for the country to extend its influence in the region.
China's influence on the continent started to increase rapidly in 2000, after the establishment of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC). Since then, cooperation forums have been held every three years, and the next forum is scheduled to convene in Beijing later this year.
In 2000, the China-Africa trade volume was just $10bn. By 2014, the value of contracts that were undertaken by Chinese companies in Africa reached $75bn. In 2015, China pledged to invest a further $60bn in Africa to cover major collaborative projects on industrialisation, agricultural modernisation, infrastructure, finance, green development, trade and investment, poverty reduction, public welfare, public health, and peace and security.
Nevertheless, China's activities in Africa are under harsh criticism. For instance, the head of the US' National Trade Council, Peter Navarro, had accused China of "locking down strategic natural resources, locking up emerging markets and locking out the United States". Others criticised China for pursuing a "new form of colonialism" and "massive resource grab" in Africa. Furthermore, Chinese programs have an adverse impact on the environment.
How to respond to the 'new scramble for Africa'
Today, these three superpowers may be competing for influence in Africa, but the level of exploitation and cruelty caused by this rivalry does not amount to the atrocities committed during the original "scramble for Africa".
Africans still have a chance to successfully navigate the situation.
The AU should develop a coherent, unified and comprehensive strategy to deal with the three superpowers' competition over its natural resources and engage all three superpowers to cooperate with Africa instead of exploiting it. It should swiftly implement robust institutional reforms and start acting as the decisive power on the continent. Also, in order to resist any detrimental foreign interference and preserve their independence, dignity, and sovereignty, African states should work towards ending their financial dependency on the West and other international players. The continent's independent military capabilities should also be increased in order to have the ability to maintain peace and security without needing any help from foreign powers that undoubtedly have ulterior motives and conflicting interests.
Most importantly, African masses, civil society, youth and women groups should play a leading role in Africa's relations with the world - the era of gatekeepers must end. It is natural and vital that Africans engage with the world directly. There may be a "new scramunderwayfrica" under way, but this time, Africans can and should be the ones benefiting from the superpowers interest in their countries. The US, Russia and China - and any other foreign power - should only be allowed to operate in Africa as long as their actions are also beneficial for the continent.
This Article was originally published in Aljazeera Opinion.
Ahmed H Adam is a Research Associate at SOAS' School of Law, University of London.
March 29, 2018 (KHARTOUM) - Sudanese authorities have released on Wednesday evening the leader of the Sudanese Congress Party, Omer al-Digair who had been detained last January, the opposition party announced on Thursday morning.
Al-Digair was arrested on 7 January 2018 after the increase of bread price after calls to protest against the austerity measure.
"During the detention, the health condition of President Omer al-Diqair worsened and was examined by the doctors of a hospital belonging to the security apparatus," said Mohamed Hassan Arabi the SCoP spokesperson in a statement released.
Arabi added that al-Digair is now in a good condition and will make further medical examination.
the statement underscored that the deputy leader Khalid Omer Youssef and other leadership members are still in jail.
Last February, the security service released Siddiq Yousef a leading member of the Sudanese Communist Party, for medical reasons.
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March 28, 2018 (LONDON) - British Members of Parliament (MPs) Wednesday called on the Foreign Secretary to put pressure on the Sudanese government to release a British-Sudanese national Sidqi Kaballo who is arrested without charge last January.
Kaballo a leading member of the Sudanese Communist Party (SCP) was arrested on 16 January after a peaceful demonstration to protest the increase of bread price. He also other opposition figures are held without charge or trial.
In their letter to the Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson, a cross-party group of 23 MPs and Peers thanked him for raising Kaballo's case with the Sudanese government and requesting consular access.
"It is however over two months since Dr Kaballo was first arrested and he remains arbitrarily detained without charge or trial. His family have no indication of how long he will remain detained and are naturally extremely concerned for his welfare," said the lawmakers
"Their concerns regarding the circumstances of Dr Kaballo's detention are exacerbated by his age and his need for medication as a diabetic," they further stressed.
The exact number of the detainees is unknown but opposition sources said the National Intelligence and Security Services (NISS) have detained 411 activists during the recent protests against austerity measures.
Last February, the Sudanese authorities said they released some 80 detainees. Also, additional activists have been freed but many others remain in jail including the leaders of the Sudanese Congress Party, the Sudanese Communist Party and the Unionist Alliance.
After the release of National Umma Party detained leaders, NISS Director Salah Gosh said their release depends on the conduct of their parties.
The MPs and Peers signatories of the letter are All-Party Parliamentary Group (APPG) on Sudan and South Sudan(APPG) or have been by contacted by constituents about the human rights situation in Sudan.
“It's unacceptable that Dr Kaballo, a British citizen, has been held in detention without charge or trial for over two months," said Sir Henry Bellingham, the head of All-Party Parliamentary Group (APPG) on Sudan and South Sudan Chair APPG Sudan & South Sudan.
For his part, Richard Burden MP, who has written the letter to the Foreign Secretary, regretted Kaballo's absence from a celebration for his 70th birthday his family organizing on Wednesday.
“Today Dr Kaballo should be in my constituency celebrating his 70th birthday with his family and friends. His family were planning a big celebration for the occasion. What they were not planning for was Dr Kaballo to be thousands of miles from his family in a prison cell in Darfur," Burden said.
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March 28, 2018 (JUBA) - The Government of Japan has contributed $1 million for the mine action project dubbed “Enhancing the Humanitarian Mine Action Programme in South Sudan”.
Over the past six years, Japan has contributed over US $14 million to mine action operations in South Sudan, enabling the clearance of 3,034,713 sqm of land, the removal of 20,180 explosive hazards and the delivery of Mine Risk Education to 140,800 people, including 91,144 children.
Decades of civil war and continued conflict has littered vast areas of South Sudan with explosive hazards. Despite the Agreement on Cessation of Hostilities signed by the Government of South Sudan and opposition parties in December 2017, armed violence and clashes have continued throughout the country.
The continued use of explosive weapons, such as rockets, grenades and mortars, has hindered the safe movement of the civilian population as well as the delivery of critical humanitarian assistance.
An estimated 6.3 million people in South Sudan – half the population – now live in counties where their safety is threatened by the presence of landmines and explosive remnants of war (ERW).
While approximately 150 new hazardous areas are discovered every month, the full extent of contamination is unknown with large areas of the country requiring survey.
Continued funding from Japan will reportedly support four Field Assessment Teams (FATs) to mitigate the impact of explosive hazards, through survey and clearance as well as the provision of Mine Risk Education for conflict-affected populations.
The teams will provide national coverage from their bases in Bentiu, Bor, Malakal, and Wau to facilitate response in areas prioritized by humanitarian and development partners.
In South Sudan, mine action is a critical enabler of humanitarian aid, a key driver of socioeconomic development, and a strong promoter of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).
“The Government of Japan is committed to providing humanitarian, capacity building and development assistance to South Sudanese people. The US $1,000,000 assistance announced recently is part of the US $34 million assistance package to South Sudan,” the Japanese envoy to South Sudan, Seiji Okada said in a statement.
He added, “We trust UNMAS, together with its partners, will continue its important work of clearing land for people to go back to that land, so that they can engage in livelihood activities such as agriculture.”
The UNMAS South Sudan programme director, Tim Lardner, UNMAS lauded the Japanese government for its financial support.
“We admire Japan's strong initiative and vital support for global mine action activities and for UNMAS. The Japanese people's US $9.3 million donations to UNMAS for this year will benefit mine action programmes in six countries, including Afghanistan, Democratic Republic of Congo, Iraq, Sudan, Syria as well as South Sudan,” he said.
Japan has continued to be a supportive partner in mine action to South Sudan.
Last year, Japan supported risk mitigation of explosive hazards through survey and clearance, as well as risk education, but also maintained an important role in allowing UNMAS to work with government, through Mine Action Authority.
“It is great to have such a steady and reliable partner," stressed Lardner.
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March 27, 2018 (JUBA) - A rebel faction allied South Sudan's former first vice president, Riek Machar have accused the Juba army of carrying out attacks the country, particularly in Payai payam, an area located in Pieri county of Bieh state on Tuesday morning.
Similar clashes reportedly occurred last week between the armed opposition fighters and pro-government forces in Upper Nile and Yei River states.
Colonel Lam Paul Gabriel, the deputy rebel spokesperson told Sudan Tribune that their forces managed to repulse all attacks on Tuesday.
He claimed pro-government forces stormed out of their trenches on Tuesday and attacked their defensive position in Bieh state areas.
The rebels also alleged that government forces attacked their positions in Nyirol and Guer payam in Western Nyirol county in total violation of the ceasefire to avoid peaceful resolution of the conflict.
He accused government forces of carrying out other similar attacks on their defensive positions in Eastern Equatoria's Magwi county.
“At about midday, the regime's militias under the command of the so-called Brig. Gen. Francis Odera Otto attacked our defensive position in and around Magwi killing two of our soldiers. Brig. Francis, who are currently undergoing a process of integration in Gorum training ground, came to Magwi for more mobilization and recruitment of civilians into the regime's army to support his rank,” he said.
The rebel official tasked the ceasefire monitoring body (CTSAMM) and other peace partners to investigate these attacks and hold violators accountable.
“The leadership of the SPLA-IO directs all forces to be alert and vigilant as the regime steps up its anti-peace campaign to derail the High-Level Revitalization Forum (HLRF) process,” further stressed Lam.
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